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Republic 31/08/2006 Headlines
DISCUSSION
Socialism? Let's talk about capitalism
of Alain Touraine

theorists
between socialism and capitalism
After 30 years of neoliberalism, now a "circle" on the left

The success of capitalism has been amplified by globalization, today the public wants the leaders to limit the omnipotence of the markets and businesses
Who can lead the fight for a system of social protection against new inequalities? In the Italian case is that the government must look

Socialism is a confusing word, used by people to express different opinions varied. So let him aside. On the other hand, speak not only against capitalism is more than reasonable, but is also much more current than most people think.
What defines capitalism is the dropping of social, political or otherwise limiting the economic actors. When you are free, ie not controlled, these players have a real power over other institutions, which have always, for their part, take into account the interests of managers of the economy. The reference to this power is part of the concept of capitalism. This freedom, the same omnipotence of the leaders of the economy is a necessary part of modernization. There has never been great economic development without a phase of capitalism that we can even define "wild." Great Britain and then the United States have been the great examples. Today, China is to be the most capitalistic country in the world.
But modernization also requires that after a period of extreme freedom of the dominant economic forces reach a stage where they appear opposite new projects promoted by public unions and parties that they particularly want a redistribution of income. This alternation is the basic formula for economic development. There is no development without without anti-capitalism and capitalism. But many prefer the succession of these two phases, a mixed system that combines permanent collection and redistribution. This is often the case of Europeans and in particular the Germans, who have just voted for an open economy and competitive, but also for the maintenance of Sozialmarktwirtschaft (social market economy), which is one of the main forms of what Delors has called "the European social model."
The real problem we are facing is to choose, not between capitalism and socialism but between the system of alternation and that of the permanent combination of an open economy and a strong share of redistribution. Opponents of alternation fear that this system reinforces the tensions and social conflicts. The enemies of mixed systems are worried that the redistribution is not for the benefit of the poor, but in certain sectors of the middle classes, particularly in the public sector. Supporters of capitalism, for their part, accuse their opponents of both camps so to push away the Welfare State by choking growth and create a budget deficit that can only be filled by increasing the public debt, then through a levy anticipated income of the next generation.
What position should be taken now? The answer must take account of our historical situation. We live, since the early 70, in a phase that is called neo-liberal and has taken the place of the economy "managed" that dominated most of the world after the Second World War. The success of capitalism was amplified by globalization that has increased the freedom of companies, especially financial ones, and especially compared to the unions, which in many countries are losing their importance.
Today, public opinion tends to seek balance in favor of employees and social expenditures. It shocked by the news of the scandals that have occurred in large firms, and the golden rain which receive many managers. The workers are indignant at the fact that their companies are delocalized even when they are active and produce profits. The anti-globalization movements, better defined as anti-globalization, organize forums and large gatherings in all parts of the world. To alleviate this pressure is the fact that the events that dominate the news are not economic, but religious and military.
Despite these obstacles exist, especially in Europe, the trend of public opinion in favor of new state intervention, especially against the creation of a Europe of Margaret Thatcher. The public does not want the necessary reform of the health service and pensions will result in a limitation of benefits.
Formulated in these terms, the answer to the question that we asked is clear: public opinion expect from the leaders that highlight the limits to the omnipotence of the markets and businesses. Calls a "circle" on the left.
But such a response is insufficient because it does not say how, under the pressure of such forces, we can obtain a change of direction. The social security system, created in the aftermath of the last war, were introduced at the behest of unions, and especially to protect workers against the risks that threaten them: accidents, unemployment, sickness, old age. Who can play that role today motor trade unions took place half a century ago? Who can lead a struggle for a new system of social protection to cover not only workers, to protect all against new risks and inequalities: old-age dependency, mental illness, conflicts between minorities, the consequences of offshoring, inequality of opportunity at school, etc..
Such pressure, parties and unions are unable to exercise may be carried out by grassroots movements, associations, NGOs, in other words from what is called civil society. But today we see a strengthening of such basic actions. They are in fact losing strength in certain areas. At least in the Italian case, is that one must look to the government. Despite his narrow election victory, already enjoys a strong reserve of support in public opinion, and this support increases. It is probably a general trend in today's world, this to limit the neoliberal system and to direct the political power to better protect the population is not privileged.
After thirty years of supremacy in the postwar period, managed economy has been replaced by neo-liberalism. Thirty years have passed. But it is not the time to tip the balance in the other direction?

(Translated by Fabio Galimberti)

the poster 8/31/2006
Hungary in Italy
Valentino Parlato

Before Yesterday Unit published a front page article by Robert Roscani , which had opened in the text of a short message Giorgio Napolitano to Joseph Tamburri, president of the Foundation Nenni. Napolitano gave place to Pietro Nenni had been right, when he condemned the Soviet intervention in Hungary in 1956. In fact it was not a new thing because Napolitano this criticism and self-criticism had already made public some time and also in his interesting volume autobiography PCI to European socialism. Everything is normal, I guess. But yesterday, the Republic
has broken out with an editorial by Miriam Mafai and two full pages with an article by Simone Fiori and Pietro Ingrao and interviews with Antonio Giolitti condemning the Soviet invasion. At this point, we must ask why so much emphasis now on an incident condemned a long time. Of course I read the day before yesterday that Giddens gives to socialism and died yesterday of allegations that other load the old Communist Party, is the doubt that it is not just the damnatio memoriae of a party that has done something good as well, but even to say that all the ideals of change in the existing state of things should be settled forever. Maybe I wrong - and contrary to that of Andreotti - even accidentally. But I think so.
A separate discussion on "facts of Hungary 'in 1956, adding that any self-criticism (much easier now) should be in context with the facts at the time. Of course, that the Communist Party, was a serious choice, but to what extent and how this choice was conditioned state of affairs?
In 1956 I was in the Communist Party of Hungary and the facts were for me and many friends, a blow, a terrible shame. Running a few months later, Nagy was despicable. PCI was not in the agitation of the surface. There was the position taken by Giuseppe Di Vittorio, there was the appeal of the 101 intellectuals, even in sections (remember the Italy section) the debate was bitter and passionate. We do not accept the party line as disciplined soldiers. The consensus statement that Napolitano did then (and quite correctly reproduces) certainly was not calm and quiet. However, most of us (though without enthusiasm) remained in the Communist Party. The question is why we were there, because although, bitterness and shame, we were 'on this side of the fence "? Because most of us are not putting in the wake of Pietro Nenni?
not mean to justify the consequences were very severe and bloody Soviet invasion, but try to remember - on the edge of memory rather 'bumpy - how things were then.
In those days England and France with the help of Israel tried to occupy the Suez, then they were deterred by the U.S., for Hungary does not move a finger. There was the XX Congress of the CPSU, which opened to the de-Stalinization. The Soviet Union seemed to kick-starting growth with man in space (in 1957) and other initiatives with the ex-colonial countries (Bandung Conference); opened the era of "peaceful coexistence". In short, there was still "driving force" of the USSR.
In Italy there was the defeat at Fiat, and a violent anti-working class offensive, with threats of putting the outlawed Communist Party. And then there was the Communist Party. A PCI
that on the one hand was still making secchiana influence, such that a break with the USSR would have caused a serious split in his. And together with the interview that a Communist Party of Togliatti New Topics and the VIII Congress of 1956, behind Hungary, calling into the field turning point of Salerno and the Italian road to socialism. There was hope and work. There were reasons to stay.
This is not to deny the mistake of the Soviets, we was serious. Worth mentioning that when there were protest movements in Poland the Soviets sent tanks, but resumed Gomulka to power. The error is indisputable and weighs more, but less instrumental to open a discussion on the events of 50 years ago maybe it could still be useful. Completely different - in fact and in context - the events in Czechoslovakia in 1968.
is a different matter, even inside the Communist Party, as to the existence of this newspaper, someone should remember.

Corriere della Sera 31/08/2006 Headlines
LEFT AND HISTORY
Hungary: The Turn of a Bis
Gian Antonio Stella

wrote one day Marcello Veneziani, intellectual right disconcerted by the speed of a turning point "without any cultural labor" that smelled a bit 'shortcut' Fini deleted fascism as if it were a kidney stone. " Here: a joke so on Giorgio Napolitano and communism will not do anyone.
The last doubts were swept away by the way at this time has been granted yet another fifty years of extensive labor, the elderly better leader. The recognition that Pietro Nenni and the Socialists, then, they were right.
"Words like stones," wrote Robert Roscani, author of the scoop on 'unit in which the content was revealed in the letter sent by the Head of State Joseph Tamburri, president of the Foundation Nenni. Words that should be put in line the chronically unhappy, "In Italy, where historical controversies are often an excuse for riots and lynchings by the right, someone has pretended that this road was not completed. Already twenty years ago, as claimed in his writings, Napolitano acknowledged that "Giolitti was right." Today broadens the discussion to the merits of the Italian left and Nenni. "
Tamburrano agrees: "For me, those words have enormous value. I know that the Communist Party in 1956 could not break with Moscow, there were no conditions. The party would be torn apart. " Even if "looking back through the eyes of today ...». Moreover, says La Repubblica: "It is implicit in this award to PSI, a rethinking of the relationship between the two parties. Clear allocation of responsibility for the PCI break left. "
Giorgio Ruffolo, another socialist battered for years by hostility between partners, relaunch: "It's hard which in Italy is a leading exponent of political claims to have been wrong on a crucial issue. Napolitano has the courage, honesty and stature to do it. The
Reform, which also wants to stay one step more to a modern Left, is associated with: the message quirinalizio "has great political value." Thesis also married Valdo Spini ("it is not just something that satisfies the pride socialist ") and even, albeit with a hint of irony, from a socialist to three months ago, Secretary of Berlusconi as Mauro Del Bue. According to Napolitano's words which are "music to the ears of those who have directly experienced the years of hateful polemics against the Socialists of the PCI autonomy '."
Hurrah. Even the most loyal supporters of the long march of' Lord Carrington ', even the fiercest theory of prudence and "gradual" policy, even the most strenuous opponents of those who like Free depicts the head of state in the role of a commissioner of the Soviets with a closed fist from which blood flows should, however, admit that a lot of homework and admired mourning for the letter to Joseph Tamburrano sounds, let's say, a tad exaggerated. And back to point one of the great problems of this country: the trail of mistakes, memories, resentments, silence, hatred and repressions of the past that too often impede that confrontation between the right and the left that is the lifeblood of any democracy.
Sure, Napolitano may well feel offended by the latest blood test 38 years after his release condemning (although even blaming the "reactionary forces" aimed at obscuring "the historical achievements of the Soviet Union ') wagons tanks in Prague and 28 years after the trip to the USA and Rebirth in the article on which dismissed the idea that the Red Brigades were "puppets of the reaction appropriately dressed" for "we still do with the degeneration, progressing to delirium and ideological most barbaric crime, the inspiration of revolutionary Marxism and the Communist movement." Fini said in '94 yet that Mussolini was "the greatest statesman of the century" and a handful of years later was without cries of mourners at the Palazzo Chigi. Nor can you ask a man who has made the sober words of cutlery a reason for living (the Labour Denis Healy laughingly described it as "the best imitation of a banker who knows the City") liquids such as its past president An liquidate their first trip of the fundamental in Jerusalem, in an interview to 'Jene'.
Among the unconditional surrender taken from "A Fish Called Wanda" Albertini said that one day Bossi ("I'm very sorry and I apologize unreservedly! Offer complete and utter retraction ...») and the endless drops of distilled words from decade to decade, however, is there a middle ground. And if it is true that he felt the need to ask a few months ago Fassino and D 'Alema "admit to having done wrong assessments, have made mistakes in judgments about Consorte," the head of state will admit that does something read about 'Unity today, that "even twenty years ago," in 1986, he recognized that "Giolitti was right." Thesis, moreover, supported a decade ago in an article written by himself: "It is now that the" choice of field, "ideological and political, against the Hungarian revolution and for the Soviet intervention is considered untenable by non few of those who shared and supported: including young leaders of that time, as I do that already in the thirtieth anniversary of the "facts of Hungary" have acknowledged publicly the reasons for the "dissenters" of the time, the reasons for Antonio Giolitti '.
's all there, in those four words, "already in the thirtieth anniversary ...». Respectfully, we would like we were saved in 2016, to read that "even the fiftieth anniversary" of the facts of Hungary was recognized that Piero Nenni was right. Or at least there was condoned the adjective "historical".

Republic 08/31/2006
liberal economy of state socialism
Franco Debenedetti

"reformist socialism he believed in a mixed economy," writes Anthony Giddens (The postsocialist century, the " Republic, August 29), a compromise in which the key sectors of the economy remain under state control, and that "it seemed able to function thanks to the merits (...) economic theory formulated by a liberal, John Maynard Keynes. " "Today," says Giddens, "the key question is whether this type of socialism is dead." Today? In 2006? Singular question: is the first since 1919 that von Mises in "Gemeinwirtschaft" and "Kritik des Interventismus" to mention only the main Hayek and then 30 years have demonstrated in a logically compelling that this "compromise" could not work: that is, well before it appears that the distortionary effects, and uneven dispersion of resources, "which led, according to Giuliano Amato, his translation also in social contexts. Porsel singular, that question in an article which follows that of Amato. It was in fact him to dismantle Fourteen years ago, few days, sometimes within hours, the structure with which the State controlled key sectors of the economy and finance, and to begin to get control over the costs become unsustainable welfare. Amato is "proud to be a socialist" ("The Republic", August 28) aware that the terms "equality and freedom have come to oppose," and that liberal-socialist has become an oxymoron. In the ensuing tension, and the ability to draw the strength to convince those who, from left, opposes it, is the only hope left for her to be to carry out the reform agenda that we Giddens lists.

The Reform 08/31/2006
So Napolitano has dismantled the last excuse
Paolo Franchi

E 'was good that the Giorgio Napolitano has written a few lines to Joseph Tamburri, to make public testimony in 1956 that he was right and wrong Pietro Nenni who, like him, in front of the Hungarian tragedy, shared the Togliatti choice to keep the PCI without much hesitation "on one side of the fence." To repel a campaign of right-wing press, certainly, and also to get rid of ambiguity and misunderstanding in view of his imminent visit to Budapest. But also, and above all, to pay homage to the truth. And, I might add, to remove any remaining alibi, fifty years after the Hungarian revolution, that part of the Italian left, more extensive than commonly believed, that this truth still prefer not to look at her face. He had reason
Nenni, the Socialists, who paid the bitter price of the collapse of Italian socialism in the name of the Popular Front, the Stalin Prize for peace after Stalin's death had still asked for more and terrified of the Communists moved what would never state of the world proletariat, and that though the sight of quell'insurrezione national, democratic and working violently repressed by the Soviet tanks had clearly read, even beyond the pain and indignation, as though he were now opening a very long but perhaps irreversible crisis the communist system. And had Palmiro Togliatti wrong, and with him not only the generation time of the bond forged in iron with the Soviet Union, but also the leverage of the then thirty-somethings, the renewal in the continuity at that juncture promoted to command responsibility. And they were wrong not because they lived in anguish that drama, but because with all their anxieties want to believe, as opposed to the Socialist Nenni, you have to do with a terrible crisis, but in the system. So, with a system that sooner or later if they do not smarrisse compass, as long as you could find the balance between the resistance of the conservatives and the impatience of innovators, could have been reformed. All
already clear, everything already obvious, all already discounted? Maybe. But the fact remains that a child of their original sin that mistake the Italian Communists, the long arduous journey in search of independence from Moscow, remained ultimately hanged, despite dissent for the invasion of Czechoslovakia, despite the tear Enrico Berlinguer, until the collapse of the Soviet Union. And with few exceptions even when they stopped calling and considered the Communists wanted to recognize the error with them, the historical reason of Nenni and the Italian part of socialism that fifty years ago began his long march autonomy. Of all the leaders of the Communist Party, Napolitano was undoubtedly the toughest and most consistent in the prospect of his party, in Italy and Europe, a social democratic destiny. And it paid off, at the time, also the price. If the Italian left has bled into a grueling civil war, and a similar fate has not been fully accomplished and maybe not ever be accomplished, giving us a vacant, recurrent debates on the crisis of the very idea of \u200b\u200bsocialism while avoiding to ask why only here there is a large socialist party, it is also wrong because of that old never repaired and never recognized that ancient right. In his words, Giorgio Napolitano has also helped to restore thickness and current affairs already open to reflection sull'indimenticabile fifty-six.



Republic 08/31/2006
Galileo, POET OF THE MOON
The great scientist was also a great writer. We will talk about the Festival of the Mind Sarzana
of Piergiorgio Odifreddi

Second Italo Calvino was the greatest writer of Italian literature. And it is time to join him in public readings at Dante
Leopardi wrote without taking account of the discoveries of Newton
Before him, the journey on our satellite was generally "fantasy"

Galileo is the greatest writer of Italian literature of any century. Peremptory statement, this, that will surely make the reader smile enough humanist, ready to give advice to the mathematician to worry about the topics of its competence.
pity though that the statement is one of our greatest writers: Italo Calvino in fact made the Corriere della Sera, December 24, 1967, never fail to elicit reactions and protests. Carlo Cassola, for example, jumped on to say: "Why, I thought it was Dante! And then, Galileo was a scientist and writer. " Without
desist, Calvin replied stating his thoughts on two floors. The first, interior, noted that Galileo uses language not as a neutral tool, but with a literary consciousness, with ongoing participation in expressive, imaginative, even lyrical. " The second, external, noted that "Galileo admired and footnotes that poet Ariosto was lunar and cosmic," and that "in Zibaldone Leopardi admired the prose of Galileo for the precision and elegance combined."
In other words, Galileo would be the mean proportional between Ariosto and Leopardi, and three identified an ideal line of force in our literature. Needless to say that Calvin himself was considered a point of this line, characterized by a conception of literature as a map of the world and of knowledge, and a style somewhere between realism and the fairy-tale fairy-tale realism. And perhaps nothing performs this commonality of styles, most of the parallel and almost identical metaphors that Galileo and Calvin make the writing itself, as an endless and unbroken line created by the movement of the pen.
We read in the Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems, "Those traits pulled in so many ways, here, there, up, down, forward, backward, and 'ntrecciati ritortole a hundred thousand, are not, in essence and real, but Pezzuoli a single line that stretched across one way, without altering the decline verun'altra tract dirittissimo sometimes a little bit left and right and move the pen tip or faster or more slowly and but with minimal inequality in '.
And in the last lines of the Baron in the Trees, "This drop of ink, as I left it running for pages and pages full of erasures, references, daubs of nervous, stains, gaps, in moments that are shelling in clear large berries, at moments thickens as seeds in tiny signs point now turns back on itself, time splits, now connects lumps of sentences with contours of leaves and clouds, and then it encounters, and then resumes in twisting, and runs and runs and winds and unwinds a final bunch of meaningless words, ideas and dreams is over. "
So why approach Calvin and writers for the sheer pleasure of reading, and Galileo and the scientists only the duty to know? It would be pointless to bring the pages of dialogue in the public squares, in the same way that Dale Benigni and recite the verses of the Divine Comedy? With the advantage, inter alia, not be forced to put up with the anachronisms of the poor father Dante, who with his angels and demons today seems more a precursor of the fumettoni Dan Brown, the singer of a modern vision of the world?
After all, wishing to speak the truth, it is the baseness cosmological, theological, philosophical and political work which Petrarch already accused of being directed to "seek the applause of the people of the inn," to make it well suited to the high performances of our most comical. But not always and we all want to laugh, and sometimes someone might want the serious reading of pages that were noble and too high for the full content, not only for the empty form. And what are those of Galileo, it already shows the short quote above on writing: far from being a free literary metaphor, it's in fact serves as a thought experiment to show the relativity of motion of the stylus with respect to a ship moving on where you find the writer.
More generally, the ship sails on which Galileo is one of the literary laboratories where scientific experiments are carried out the ideals of dialogue, and the fact that on it's life takes place in exactly the same way as on Earth, For example, regarding the fall of a ball of lead or the flight of an insect, shows the Galilean relativity: the fact is, that the laws of mechanics are invariant with respect to systems in uniform motion, which are therefore indistinguishable from this point of view. Three centuries later, Albert Einstein like trains and elevators will use to argue for, respectively, of the special and general relativity: the fact is, that even the laws of electromagnetism are invariant with respect to systems in uniform motion, and gravitational acceleration and produce effect indistinguishable.
But nothing shows better the difference between the metaphors in themselves of the literature of escape, and policies to a purpose of the dissemination of literature, makes use of the moon that Galileo in his Dialogue. Before him, Ariosto and up, the trip on our satellite and its geography and once belonged to the fantasy genre, and space travel were unlikely to be sustained propulsion: water from the trumpets of the true story of Lucian of Samosata all'ippogrifo of 'Orlando Furioso.
Dialogue With the first day of the Moon change the face instead. Or rather, for the first time shows its true face, with the mountains and valleys that the telescope has uncovered, and it appears as we know it today, thanks to photos of telescopes, satellites and astronauts. And even better, because neither Galileo nor more or less contemporary Kepler, the author of that first science fiction novel that is the Somnium, recarvicisi needed to understand how a person would view the Moon from Earth, with results exceeding all faded colorful poetic invention.
On the one hand, in fact, the Earth in the sky of the moon phases equal and opposite to what the Moon in the sky of the Earth. Second, because the moon always shows the same face to Earth, it can be seen only from the face of the Moon, and where you can see, it is fixed in the sky. This means that a person on the face of the Moon over a period of full Earth, can be observed "this globe fatal," the property lunar sky, turn on itself in 24 hours: a wonderful visual demonstration of the motion of the Earth's rotation, which could lead to a self-conscious poet exclaim: "What do you do, you, Terra, in heaven? Tell me, what are you doing, silent Earth? "
Poets of the unconscious, however, the Moon only know one thing: there is. But even those amateur astronomers do not know much more, since even the Galileo Leopardi lover and loved by Calvin continued to write in 1819 unaware that the Moon 'fall was never seen by anyone except in a dream, "although since 1687 Isaac Newton had not only composed the verse "The moon always falls to Earth," but had also calculated exactly than it falls: in due proportion, exactly the same amount of an apple which falls at the same time here. So, therefore, "the force with which the moon is retained in its orbit is the same force which we commonly call gravity.
So, you read well in the classroom and in public places the verses of Dante and Leopardi, for the pleasure that the air stirred by the voice of one who recites it gives them the ear of the listener. But that adds to the school curriculum and also the theater and especially the prose of Galileo and Newton, to bring joy to the mind with what you already Pythagoras called the Poetry of the Universe: a poem that "can not comprehending those who do not test ' and that "it can not be understood without first learns to comprehend the language and know the characters, I 'which is written."

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Unit 30/08/2006
DOCUMENTS
the first conviction came from the CGIL led by Di Vittorio, on "Rebirth." The secretary of the party but it got the withdrawal
Togliatti wrote: "Counterrevolution in Hungary»
Massimo Franchi

intervention Giolitti's eighth congress of the Communist Party was not the only dissenting voice within of the communist movement in Italy on Soviet tanks in Hungary. In a statement, published in full in the November issue of the monthly "Rebirth", the CGIL led by Vittorio Di "in the tragic events of Hungary recognizes the historic and definitive condemnation of anti-democratic methods of government and political leadership and economic managers who determine the gap between and masses of the people, and deplores the intervention of foreign troops. " But Togliatti able to obtain a "turnabout" in the direction of the leader of the CGIL union, not a direct reply to Giolitti for expulsion in 1957 in villages that will be followed by the diaspora of intellectuals from the PCI (Calvin Sapegno, Trombadori, Crisafulli) announced the famous "letter of 101".
The first official comment on the facts of Togliatti of Hungary is published in the October issue of the monthly magazine "The Rebirth". In an editorial entitled "On the facts of Hungary," the secretary of the Communist Party calls "extremely serious facts of these days." Well aware of the consequences on the basis of the Soviet intervention against a friendly government feels "the need that the militant (...) (...) of our movement does not allow himself to be neither surprising nor be deceived and overcome by the wave reactionary, anti- , anti-socialist, anti-Soviet who seeks, in the confusion of events, to drag public opinion behind him. " Unlike Khrushchev's disclosure report on the crimes of Stalin, when after months of waiting heavily attacked the Soviet system in the famous speech at the cultural magazine "New topics", Togliatti now supports the sending of Soviet tanks to stop the "counterrevolution." The secretary of the Communist Party blamed the incident "the incomprehensible delay of party leaders and the country in understanding the need to implement those changes (...) investing the line followed in the march towards socialism 'leaves' critical analysis of the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU. For him, the uprising of the people is "organized, has a well-developed tactics, precise objectives, and does not end when, under the existing regime, these measures are implemented (the temporary return to power Nagy, ed) that ensure the broadest approach entirely new political direction. At the armed uprising, which puts the city on fire, can not be answered if not by arms. " With regard to imperialist pressures writes: "We only did it lose its sense of political reality and class. (...) We know that Hungary is the subject of years of continuous, relentless action. The slogan and the promise of the liberation of socialism have been trumpeted by the imperialist governments as a cornerstone of policy. And he accompanied a ceaseless agitation, conducted with all possible means, to a country where the old reactionary classes retain their roots and their hopes. " Togliatti then concludes by referring to the dictates of Marxist-Leninists. "This is our position that concedes nothing to the enemies of socialism, that should not lessen the vigilance against class enemies, and when I'm being dramatic events such as those of Hungary, we should not lose your head, to look at the substance of things, not to be dominated by one-sided and emotional reactions, or drag in a deployment that is not ours. " The following month Togliatti returns to the topic with another editorial entitled "Iroldalmi Ujsàg" behalf of the Hungarian Literary Gazette, laying the blame for the riot to the circle of writers "Petoefi. Feeling that he was losing the intellectuals in Italy, they skirted the fault of the intervention in Hungary.

Unit 30/08/2006
The original sin of '56 and the Italian left
Bruno Bongiovanni

THE COURAGE TO NENNI . Napolitano is in the words of the full recognition of a break then the socialist leader who was able to impose his party. The rift with the USSR not made possible by the Communist Party changed the historical evolution of both parties with historical parables then unimaginable.

This newspaper published yesterday, the beginning of the article by Robert Roscani, the five lines of the message sent by Giorgio Napolitano, Joseph Tamburri, president of the Foundation Nenni. About those events that were described with descriptive minimalist bureaucracy "of the events in Hungary", and are now rightly classed as "Hungarian Revolution", the Head of State, then a young and already influential member of the Central Committee of the PCI states explicitly that they had no reason, in the dramatic fall of 1956, only Antonio Giolitti and sponsors of dissent within the Communist Party, but also, and in some ways most importantly, the Socialists autonomist party Nenni, then being painful, yet clear, emancipation from the Soviet myth and loyalty, which was not unrelated to a complicated complex of inferiority towards the PCI. There is no denying the importance of the message. Twenty years ago, when the PCI was still alive, however, acknowledged that Napolitano had reason to Giolitti, and then the Hungarian insurgents. In his autobiography, written and published when the presidency was still unimaginable, and yet to come, the same Napolitano also did not hesitate to make public more about the '56 Hungarian, his "severe torment self-critical" about a position at that time being with with the authoritarian-Manichean conception of the role of the Communist Party, seen as "inseparable from the destiny of the socialist camp led by the USSR," naturaliter contrasted field and is already installed on the future of humanity in front of "imperialist." Not blown away and even reinforced by the XX Congress of the CPSU, which produced bitter disappointment after the initial illusions, and not yet in jeopardy, the same geopolitical terrain, ideal, while the presence of an active field of European and democratic, was therefore the continuing Stalinist theory of two fields that still fermenting in the minds of the communists, convinced the world to ride the course, structure the opinions and prejudices.
The message, Although Hungary was fully metabolized of '56 well after the Czechoslovakia in '68, it is therefore important for some unknown jerk self-criticism. Everything has already been said. And the "line" Togliatti, codified after the silence of Calvino's "great calm of the Antilles" (post-XX Congress), and after the applause machine guns on the workers of Poznan (June 1956), for many decades has been happily put in discussion. What weighs now, and that somehow takes on a meaning of historiography, it is rather the recognition of the courageous and intelligent policy of the PSI, then a party that wanted to take risks, unlike PCI, the laceration (lesser evil than subordination to the "ghost of Stalin"). Who took advantage of the irreversible free output of 1956-'57 to bring the country, with the center, despite the sabotage attempt in 1960 by the Government of Tambroni DC-MSI, and in 1964 despite the weakening of the reformist impulse, the social landscape that was opening thanks to the industrial revolution still amazing mass of 1958-'63.
Going now to review the opinions expressed on "Unity" and "Avanti!" various stages of the Hungarian revolution, and counter-normalization sets the USSR, there is now with much caution and sense of responsibility for the events were followed and commented on by PSI. Who offered, so to speak, a generous bank policy, absolutely not conservative, where many dissidents PCI - Giolitti in his head - could fit harmoniously. But in the PCI could not and would not take advantage. "Avanti!" In fact remained true to himself. He argued, as "Unity", the new Hungarian government, when it appeared that the latter, before the brutal betrayal of the USSR, enjoyed the support of the Soviet Union. Imre Nagy was appointed prime minister was in fact the Hungarian Communist Party. And the same Nagy had sought and received assurances from Yuri Andropov about the fact that the USSR would not have choked with violence the new course. Andropov, however, knew that things would not go that way.
The split between the positions of Togliatti (and PCI) and those of Nenni (and PSI) matured so definitively only with the change made on 3-4 November, intervened when the Russian troops that were stationed in Hungary . Now emerged, as in previous days, the working-class resistance. They were formed everywhere, as in 1905 and 1917 in Russia, in Italy as in Germany and Hungary (!) In the postwar period, workers' councils. Who were able to extend well beyond the yield of November. Up to perform, even in December, and in addition, negotiations with the Kadar government. Was in place, after East Berlin in 1953, and after the same Poznan 1956, the last workers' revolution, anonymous and "class" of the twentieth century. Who else remembers the name of one of the workers of Budapest? Although this revolution was doomed to failure anyway. "Avanti!" recognized in any event the socialist character of the Hungarian Revolution. The same Indro Montanelli, in his famous matches for "Corriere della Sera, he recognized them. The harsh words thrown from Togliatti and Longo, who accuse of "revisionism" Giolitti, are also popular. As is known the 'self-criticism made on several occasions, for many years, by Pietro Ingrao and the dissidence of Giuseppe Di Vittorio. In the words of
Napolitano can finally understand between the lines, more than a regret. For the involvement of the PCI in the moral and political responsibility in an act of repression and anti-working class, of course. To dissolve the unity of the left, just as certainly. But even for self-isolation in which the PCI autorecluse, tumbled by making additional replicas of the story and forcing himself on a long journey, made in order to leave a mess dimidiato Leninism and grab what the PCI itself, at least in part in 1956, already was. But the PSI core minority of the Italian Left since 1948, was left alone by the PCI and accused of collaborating with the "neo-capitalism." Thus, responsibility for policy in 1956 of former communist allies, after being in turn, and for over twenty years, a party of government control and able to hew out, in line with changes in society, great achievements (the divorce, the status of workers, and so on), the PSI was dragged into the processes that were alien to its nature and its tradition. Up to lose, at least in part, himself. And to lose, at least in part, calling its libertarian. We can then say that it is an original sin, the 1956 PCI and the CPSU, that the Italian left, as a whole, while engaged in the construction of the Democratic Party, still suffers today.

Republic 08/30/2006
"on the invasion Soviet Nenni was right "
Autocritica Napolitano's position on the PCI on the invasion of Hungary in 1956
Message from the President to the foundation run by Tamburrano ahead of the trip to Budapest
Simonetta FLOWERS

ROMA - "On the facts of Hungary, the Hungarian uprising and its repression, he was right Pietro Nenni." few and simple words, pronounced by Giorgio Napolitano, on the eve of his trip to Budapest, on the fiftieth anniversary of that tragedy. An unpublished opinion , which expands the self-critical reflection, beyond the compensation made public twenty years ago against the companion Antonio Giolitti, dissenting in 1956 and then opposed it from the same Napolitano. This time the recognition extends to the sister party, the Socialist Party, personified by the Secretary that brave, challenging the widely-Soviet mood in the base, broke with "the undemocratic methods" of Moscow "neocolonial." "A confession important, full of implications," defines the Joseph Tamburri, president of the Foundation Nenni and recipient of the presidential message. "I did not expect an award as directed, even if the rethinking of the complex relationship between PCI and the PSI in that season is a long time in the development of Napolitano."
In the fiftieth anniversary of the Hungarian uprising, drowned in blood by Soviet tanks, the Foundation has designed a booklet Nenni - The left in that unforgettable 1956 - enriching the old edition of When the Socialists broke with Moscow (a collection of 86) with new evidence of Napolitano, Achille Occhetto, Rossana Rossanda. "Several months ago, before the presidential nomination, asked Napolitano to write an essay on the subject. Then he said yes, but after the election he asked me to lighten it, proposing to publish the "Hungarian chapter" of his autobiography recently published by Laterza. The surprise was the letter with the court on Nenni. "
recognition to the "knife brother - brothers knives PCI and PSI were in accordance with a formula Gramsci - hitherto never openly expressed, is almost a natural maturation of the painful self-criticism that Napolitano is a long time preparing on the Hungarian uprising put down with violence. A wound is still open for much of the Left, that "conformist zeal" - as the President noted in his autobiography From the Socialist Communist Party - agreed to the grounds of Moscow. "The justification of the bloody Soviet military intervention to suppress a popular movement branded as counter-revolution, remains a matter of grave torment self-critical," reflects Napolitano, who explains the allegiance to the Soviet Union with the myth of the inviolability of the socialist camp " under the banner of Moscow "rather than challenging the imperialist front." "Truth," writes, "is that we saw little, felt little of the great questions of principle - freedom and democracy - that were at stake in the proceedings on the" facts of Hungary. " Or better to stay within the confines of ideological certainties acquired in the party. " The tribute to
Nenni, today is another step forward. Tamburrano argues: "It is implicit in this award to PSI, a rethinking of the relationship between the two parties. Clear allocation of responsibility for the PCI breaking left. If Togliatti had supported a less sectarian, giving heed to the criticisms of Giuseppe Di Vittorio, things could have been done differently. " So far Tamburrano. But Napolitano agrees? "If the President had been able to develop his argument in an essay, this would be his position. He preferred the lapidary phrase - "Nenni was right" - that already said it all. "
Nenni not random exit on the eve of a trip to Budapest, he's working on the diplomatic office of the Quirinale. A journey that - for the commitments already made by the president - will anticipate a few weeks the official ceremonies on 23 October. And maybe that will help heal that wound is still open.

Republic 08/30/2006
how heavy that mistake
MIRIAM MAFA

THEREFORE, Nenni was right when in the autumn of 1956 broke the pact of unity of action for nearly three decades that it was tied to the Communists. So Nenni was right when, about the revolt of workers and students at Budapest wrote: "The very best we can do for the Hungarian workers is to help break the patterns of dictatorship in the authentic forms of democracy and freedom ...." So Nenni was right when, a few months later, the Congress of Venice of the PSI, cast to the winds for his party not only the traditional riparian policy, but all references to Marxism-Leninism, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the link with the USSR.
Nenni was right, as recognized today, in his letter to Joseph Tamburri, our President of the Republic of those events experienced as a young leader of the Communist Party. So the PCI was wrong when, during those dramatic weeks of fifty years ago, chose to stay, as a famous title of Unity "on one side of the fence," from the USSR, which had sent its tanks in Budapest to quell the uprising of workers and students who rebelled against the dictatorship and calling for a democratic socialism, with a human face.
The Phantom of the Hungarian revolution of 1956 still questions the conscience of those who were communists and then had the courage or the clarity dissociate themselves from the policy positions of their party. Giorgio Napolitano, who was then thirty years and was secretary of the federation of Caserta, has already pointed out in his book of memories that you have followed from that location in the suburbs "in a rather detached intellectual discussion among the dissenters." Among these intellectuals and leaders who refused to join the party line, condemning the insurgents of support for intervention in Hungary and the USSR was also Antonio Giolitti who "had just delivered the speech of equity and substantial dissent from the rostrum of 'VIII Congress. Among the first controversial action against him had been mine, "says Giorgio Napolitano. "The intervention Soviet - then said the young leader of the Communist Party - as well as to prevent Hungary from falling into chaos and counter-revolution has helped to save the world peace. "
It is certainly the case if the newly elected president, he wanted to visit to Antonio Giolitti, who on that occasion, after this intervention congress had left the Communist Party. It was not the only one. Italo Calvino tells
so those dramatic days: "That evening when the news arrived of the invasion of Hungary I was having dinner with Amendola in Turin, home of Luciano Barca, who ran the Turin edition of Unity. Amendola had come to Turin to meet me and others dell'Einaudi friends to "keep good" because it was clear that the difficulties were coming and we gave signs of impatience. While talking Amendola, Gianni Rocca who was then editor in chief of the Unit, telephoned Barca. Her voice choked with tears. We said the tanks are coming to Budapest, is fought in the streets. I looked at Amendola. Were you all as suffering from a blow. Amendola then murmured, "Togliatti said that there are moments in history where you have to be deployed by either side. After all, communism is like the Church, it takes centuries to change position ...". "
We took centuries for the Communist Party to review its position on Hungary why break what has been called the "iron link" with the USSR. Not centuries, but a couple of decades. For a long time the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 did not even have the right to be defined as such by the Italian communists. Before, during those dramatic weeks, the newspaper of the Communist Party and in the assemblies section of the revolt was qualified "white terror" or "counterrevolution." Then with the passage of time those events were modestly remembered as "the events in Hungary." Ten years later, in 1968, another country that was part of the socialist camp will have its democratic revolution. It will be the Prague Spring uprising in the name of socialism "from his face human race. " Also this time the movement will be cut off Soviet intervention. But on that occasion the PCI express, his first dissent from Moscow. We will then finally took away the most explicit of the USSR Berlinguer and his politics.
Yet the few lines with which now Giorgio Napolitano, recalling the events of 1956, recognizes "the validity of the reviews of Pietro Nenni and most of the PSI at this crucial moment," can, perhaps must, be interpreted as an invitation to re-read with more balance and attention to the story of the PCI and the PSI in the longer term. With the Congress in Venice in 1957 because the PSI, freed from the pact of unity of action with the Communists and the link with the USSR, will start on the road to an agreement with the DC which will arrive a few years later, in 1960. But there will profoundly weakened, both for internal divisions and to the controversy which it is exposed from the left. For its part the Communist Party, still convinced of the superiority of the socialist system over the capitalist, fed the polemics against the "social democratic deviation" of the party Nenni, a controversy that was particularly favorable echo in its base. The two parties of the Italian left accentuated so, after the crisis of 1956, the gap that would lead them to end the mutual common defeat.

Republic
08/30/2006 THE INTERVIEW
Pietro Ingrao: Take this into account before saying that Nenni was right
"Our but there was a tragic error to break to the left"
of s.fio.

The '56 in the drafts. In the autobiography due out in early September I speak of those events a long time: more than a chapter is the story of a defeat
Frost of Togliatti. When I realized the tragedy, I spoke with Togliatti: In front of my uncertainty was very cold. I did not have the strength to fight

"That page policy was the most painful for me: 1956 was a tragic year for us, terrible." On the eve of his autobiography, that the tragedy of Budapest's most troubled chapters, Pietro Ingrao allows himself suffered a rethinking, still very much alive in spite of the past half century. "There is no doubt that Antonio Giolitti Pietro Nenni and also they were right, but the opinion of Giorgio Napolitano appears to me a little 'review. We must also take account of the break to the left, before giving a reason Nenni. "
His is the story of a communist, perhaps of particular species. A Communist who "wanted the moon," the title of the pleadings that the publisher Einaudi will publish in early September. "There I speak for a long time in 1956, and even my mistakes. I hope that my sins emerge clearly from the book. This chapter is very long: more than a chapter is the story of a defeat, mistakes, flaws and incompleteness, told with sincerity. "
The memories date back to October 1956, to those events that marked "the error with the capital E" of a generation of Communists. Ingrao and director of the when, on October 23 in Budapest, an expression of praise to Gomulka becomes an armed uprising against the communist power. Workers and students are the protagonists claim that "a wider democracy within the socialist system." In the night between 23 and 24 "order" is restored by invading troops Soviet. It's up to Ingrao, the unity of October 25, write the editorial that heavily censors the rioters. "When the crackle of weapons counter, you're from either side of the barricades. A third field is not ... Tomorrow we will also discuss and differentiate ... Today, we defending the socialist revolution. " So we read in that anonymous fund, which - as is clear from the minutes of the Executive five days later - a position expressed laboriously filed with the secretariat.
crisis gets worse a week later. In the night between 3 and 4 November, Soviet tanks intervene a second time in Hungary, crushing the popular resistance. Thousands dead, tens of thousands injured. In quarantunenne Ingrao explode those doubts first surfaced only timidly. "Then I realized that it was a tragedy, so I called Togliatti and asked for an appointment. It was a gray afternoon, rainy. In front of my uncertainty, Togliatti was very cold. He told me that one should not hesitate to cut the conversation and used this phrase: "Today I drank a glass of wine anymore." I did not have the strength to fight. "
A wound is still open, the original sin that sheds light on all the "delays, misunderstandings, mistakes we made not only on the specific Hungarian drama, but in general on Leninism and Stalinism." It is certainly not reluctant witness by Ingrao, who already in the book-interview with Antonio Galdo, Comrade unarmed (Sperling), denounced the heavy failures of the party. His self-critical reflection widens the two central figures of communism, Stalin but even before Lenin, without any temptation acquittal for the other. "Yesterday delude ourselves that there was a substantial difference between the two characters. Stalin We considered a traitor of the ideals of Lenin. Not so. " Radical self-criticism, typical of communist nonagenarian who is not afraid to reflect on the mistakes made. "Then we realized, We wanted to understand or not, that this ideology was born under the sign of the rejection of democracy and the systematic use of violence Revolutionary kill, repress and destroy. We do not realize, and we could do that without clear up this vice of origin of the communist movement, we were getting to a dramatic defeat, then promptly as it happened. " Ingrao
For the story of Budapest is a "non-appointment with history." "A decisive date, because it could change the fate of the left not only in Italy." Alas, though, to talk about repentance. "Repentance is not a word that belongs to my language. It tastes of the sacristy. But if you repent means to acknowledge their mistakes, then I'm not afraid of this word. "

Republic 08/30/2006
THE CHARACTER
The break with the Communist Party of Togliatti Congress of '56: "The game opponent who is silent does"
Giolitti, the old apostate "That play is now more distant"
of IN AJELLO

The memory of the intervention of victory: "He invited me to critically review my attitude, but you could see he was troubled by his own dissent now returned"
homage to the great satisfaction of the President of the Republic, in May, immediately after the election to the Quirinale: "It was kind, open, friendly"

Antonio Giolitti was right in 1956, when he criticized - as opposed to the Communist Party of Palmiro Togliatti, who applauded it - the invasion of Hungary by the Soviet Union. In a letter sent to Joseph Tamburri, president of the Foundation Nenni, and briefly reported by the Unit of yesterday, the head of state does not merely recall the event, but is a "self-critical reflection," recalling that the positions taken in that juncture from the top of the PCI were shared by him.
Well, so says the President Napolitano, Giolitti criticizing the positions of the Communist Party in which the military was right, and I, then - half a century ago - sbagliai with my party. E 'recognition' painful ' which extends also to Pietro Nenni and most of the PSI (which is explained in the letter Tamburrano), which in the autumn of 1956, expressed similar criticisms to those expressed Giolitti towards the Communist Party and its secretary Palmiro Togliatti.
Giolitti, which has exceeded 91 years, is in his holiday home in Cavour. The Unit has not read. But certainly not aware of the importance of the news that's mean. It agrees to recall that story on the phone that he was a protagonist. E 'on 8 December 1956, the Communist Party in Rome celebrates its VIII Congress.
Since the invasion of Hungary has been a month and a half, a very difficult season for the party of Togliatti, which circulates between the turmoil in the headquarters cultural dissent expressed by eminent figures such as Eugene and Fabrizio Onofri Royal - not even invited to the conference, remember Giolitti - and the refusal of the rank of writers Italo Calvino (to give just one example). Before
Giolitti took the floor, vibrating reservations about the party's positions were expressed by Furio Diaz, noted historian and former mayor of Livorno.
But the task of providing a unifying perspective on these criticisms will be taken on its own by then quarantunenne Antonio Giolitti. "For us," he later told Gianni Rocca attend the conference as a delegate, "it was as if he alone had taken the post of leader and bystanders to leave a collective witness of dissent." And the same protagonist recalls that since then his little-known figure, the Corriere della Sera had felt the need to introduce him to readers, more or less with these words: "Mr Giolitti is a young man of forty, tall, dark, elegant . It is said that his name was interested in to the communists, who want to be called heirs of the Risorgimento and of liberalism. It is also said that he was a youth beloved by Togliatti. " 'Fosse', said Giolitti.
"Now I was not more. I would not have been more. "
To hear him recall him, that far back in December takes the heat for an injury. Without exaggeration - but according to many witnesses of the era, even at that moment striking the emphasis appeared in oratory Giolitti: everyone is like you, perhaps forever - Giolitti cites himself then. For example, when he began pointing out a contradiction in view of the joint secretariat and its most ardent followers: "One can not argue that the errors and crimes denounced the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU did not damage the permanent substance of the democratic socialist power, and at the same time to define the legitimate, democratic and socialist government such as that which arose against the people of Budapest on October 23. " Or when he denied that, each expressing their own ideas, he favored the class enemy. "Many times, on the contrary," objected, "the opponent's makes those who keep silent. " Or finally surfaced in his speech when a documented complaint: "We have seen combat and eradicate without mercy the views of those friends - and I am among them - who have expressed doubts and disagreements about the definition of counter-revolutionary uprising in Hungary to date '.
Another scene that remains etched in memory is played by Giuseppe Di Vittorio, who calls Giolitti "to critically review their attitude." But the one who spoke the eighth congress, he now adds, "was a Di Vittorio troubled by his own dissent then almost came back. A man and a warrior now too tired to have courage. " You may be allergic to the protagonist what you will - I point to Giolitti - but tell that to the PCI Togliatti "This is not to continue and improve, but to change and correct, and to change the men who can not be corrected," is something that PCI had never heard. Giolitti, on the other end of the phone, agrees.
The ancient apostate like it deserves Napolitano's move.
speaks with pleasure of the president's visit that he made last May, fresh from the election to the Quirinale, "Gentile, open, friendly." Evokes times, then not so remote, in which - after being for decades a tread on the "path of reform", risen to be synonymous with the Planning and having lived as a protagonist The troubled story of the center - he saw in the management of the PSI craxiana intolerance nearly as severe as that experienced in his time in the party of Togliatti. For a long time yet, remember, will "put your feet well with a few sdrucciolone, the ways of politics." His was, after all, - even when in June 1987 he was elected senator in the lists of the Communist Party - an attempt (his own words) to "pass the illusion of utopia to the hopes of reform," without losing "the report always problematic between effectiveness of political passion and consistency with ethical values. Then, as the age advanced, he felt increasingly "a homeless man the left. "
While I speak, Giolitti gives me a sense of regaining an identity, if anything, had really lost. His utopia of "fear reformist" (likes to call it) becomes a lesson that should be honored in high places. There's a man, born in 1915, which has long worked in politics. With courage. Here, for the present he has a gift still in Serbia.

Republic 08/30/2006
Luciana: "For my father and all of us were full days of anguish" Luciana

Nenni, the daughter of Peter, is 84 years old, frail voice, the memory intact. A "Republic" gives a quick cameo. Resurface, sudden, evoked by political chronicle and the words of President Napolitano, the events that have marked the life and memory of his family: "For us it was a real tragedy," he says. Here is his testimony: "I remember very well those frantic days and incredibly full of anguish. The news kept coming. The tanks in Budapest? For us it was inconceivable. I can sum up everything in a frantic phone call that my sister gave to Daddy Vany. He spoke in French, said, "'the world in which we believed that sinks ... '. My father stopped in his diary his thoughts: "How Vany is right! It 's the only one of my daughters who had enrolled in Paris at the French Communist Party. Now she feels betrayed. We all are betrayed. E 'betrayed proletarian internationalism. " One thing is certain, Nenni family we have always thought: the tragedy of Hungary has had the merit of the Italian left to show the true face of the Soviet Union and pave the way for modern socialism and the human face.

Nc20 What Am I In Revlon Colorstay

Headlines 29/08/2006 The Republic
Discussion
Socialism is not dead left
of Anthony Giddens

The century post-socialist
That idea died in '89, but the values \u200b\u200bof the left survive

today does not make sense to define anti-worker policy of liberalizing the labor market. It is not right groped to give effective responses to terrorism
The revolutionary trend has disappeared without a trace, the reform turns out to be too weak
I support the creation of a unified party of the left in Italy. I do not know if you can, but I think the post-socialism must be more ecumenical

Socialism is dead. The exact date of death is known - in 1989 - but for some time his health was unstable. For the duration of its history, the very word "socialism" has been disputed and claimed by the political groups of all kinds, from the anti-communist. The history of the Left is full of endless disputes about its meaning. In the past, the main dividing line passing between the reformist and the revolutionary left.
The first did not believe in the possibility of a transformation of society through parliamentary methods. In recent times, the book by Ralph Miliband Parliamentary Socialism was considered a key text, which is widely adopted by universities in many parts of the world. According to the thesis Miliband, a socialist society could not have come through an election victory, but only for non-parliamentary way, since the socialists were to transform the state as such. Other members of the line revolutionary tradition of the Trotskyist and Leninist, while maintaining a less categorical than that of Ralph Miliband against the "bourgeois democracy."
Conversely, and from the work of Eduard Bernstein, the reformist Socialists set out to achieve social change through parliament and electoral democracy. Almost all the existing training center-left have originated from the founding figures of the same area. One of the greatest ironies of history is the fact that revolutionary socialism, determined to transform the world and apparently deeply engaged in this work for half a century, has disappeared almost without trace.
now continues to exist Only schemes that have been shown to have no future, as the Cuban one, or survives as a faint echo in countries such as China or Vietnam.
The very idea of \u200b\u200ban overcoming of capitalism through a secular political revolution has all but disappeared. The far left of today is defined only in terms of opposition - sometimes "anti-capitalist," but more often "no global". Except for radical Islam, the revolutionaries in politics no longer exists. Because the central idea that has been the driving force to revolutionary socialism, the concept underlying the very definition of socialism - the idea that an economy that is controlled and responsive to human needs can replace the mechanisms of price and profit - once tested, failed everywhere. It was the wrong idea.
The reformist socialism he believed in a mixed economy. He found it possible to harness the irrationality of the capital reserved to the State a partial role in economic life. The "key areas" of the economy - such as transport, communications, steel industry, coal and electricity - were to remain under state control. After World War II, for several decades in the West this "compromise" seemed able to function: but not through the merits of socialism itself, but for those of economic theory formulated by a liberal, John Maynard Keynes. The State was thus able to exercise a general control on the economy by adjusting the demand and the welfare provided a safety net when things were not going the right way.
Today the key question is whether this type of socialism is dead. My answer is a resounding yes: there are no exceptions to the clear, unequivocal statement with which I began this article. Most of the time, the state has demonstrated its inadequacy in the conduct direct business. On the other hand, Keynesian demand management in the sense it is no longer effective, and may even become counterproductive in the context of a global market.
What remains after the end of Socialism? Or in other words, what is left of the left? (Translator's note: in English the question is a pun: what is left of the left?) I remember the endless discussions on these topics at conferences of the 90s. The answers (at least in my view) are now more clear then. The left has survived to the end of socialism. There is a clear line of descent from socialism to the current reformist center-left parties, but in terms of values \u200b\u200brather than political. The left supports a range of values \u200b\u200bsuch as egalitarianism, solidarity, protection of the most vulnerable, as well as the belief that collective action is necessary for the effective pursuit of these goals. The concept of "collective action" encompasses not only the role of the state, but also that of other civil society organizations.
But today the left can no longer be defined simply in the same terms of socialism of the past as a way to limit the damage inflicted by the markets in society. If it is true that capitalism still need rules, now the task of governments is to facilitate a better functioning of markets, to expand their role, rather than reduce it. It makes no sense as anti-working class to challenge the policy of liberalizing the labor market, with every reason that the new Italian government is trying to carry on. The current market foreclosure work in Italy does nothing to advance the cause of social justice, but is instead one of the factors of rising unemployment, as well as exacerbate the insecurity of those who work in informal sectors and unprotected. In the Scandinavian countries, which in Europe reached the highest degree of social justice, the labor market has undergone radical reforms.
The left can no longer define itself in opposition to welfare reform. As I mentioned earlier, the welfare state was born as a safety net that takes over when you lose your job, is divorced, you get sick or get older. Some of these features remain, but today the welfare system must grow in the characteristics of a mechanism of social investment. In an era of personal freedoms and increasing aspirations, we must invest in people to help them help themselves. The school system must be radically redeveloped in order for us to deal with an increasingly competitive world, and should also facilitate access to high quality higher education, and training courses also open to older age groups.
The left can no longer be defined in terms of a classical conception of civil liberties. It is right to admit that crime and social disorder is a serious problem for many citizens. It is not the right support that immigration should be controlled, or ask immigrants to take on a series of civil liability, including the obligation to learn the national language.
is not right to try to give effective responses to terrorism. The new terrorist threats that Western societies are facing are not comparable to the time the Red Brigades, or terrorism "local" of the IRA or ETA. The new type of terrorism is more global, and potentially far more lethal. The right to feel safe from terrorist violence is in itself an important freedom, which must be weighed against the others. Finally, the left obviously can not defined in opposition to parliamentary democracy. The multiparty system has its flaws, but the alternative can not be the 'state of the people. " The popular representation of Soviet-style has proved anything but democratic. Today, the left must give his full commitment to pluralism, both politically and in the wider social context.
I welcome the idea of \u200b\u200bcreating a unified party of the left in Italy. Do not know if this will be possible in practice: after all, in the past the left has been repeatedly sunk by the splits and divisions within it. But I think the post-socialist left can and should be more ecumenical than tended to be the radical left. E 'policy must continue to innovate in order to be able to carry on the values \u200b\u200bof the left in a world of massive social change. But innovation policy can only come from the free exchange of ideas, certainly not a closed dogmatism.

(Translated by Elizabeth Horvat)

Unit Headlines 08/29/2006
HUNGARY
Napolitano in '56 on the invasion was right Nenni
Roberto Roscani

"My reflection self-criticism on the positions taken by the Communist Party, and I have shared in 1956 and its public recognition on my part to Antonio Giolitti "of I was right "also act as painful and full recognition of the validity of the judgments and choices of Pietro Nenni and most of the PSI at this crucial moment." Signed: Giorgio Napolitano. Five rows
dry. Words like stones in a message that the head of state sent to Joseph Tamburri, president of the Foundation Nenni. Will be published along with the chapter on the '56 book, "From Communist Party to European socialism. Political autobiography "Napolitano (published last year by Laterza) in a book thought that the Foundation will release in late October. Why
weigh those words really coming half century after the 'facts of Hungary'? Because inside there is a combination of political awareness and participation in human that does not allow shortcuts, which prevents pretense, but that excuse does not apologize. Napolitano did not wait until 2006 to say that certain "Giolitti was right."
Twenty years ago he had openly acknowledged the reasons for his friend and comrade in the eighth congress of the Communist Party had condemned with great clarity the Soviet military intervention in Hungary against a popular uprising called the USSR "counterrevolution." Yet Napolitano in '56 it was among the first to attack the Congress Giolitti, with harsh words and a justification for Soviet military intervention as an element of stabilization international and even as a contribution to world peace. And this is an open recognition accompanied by a profound self-critical reflection in the pages of his autobiography.
"I moved then, I think, also a conformist zeal," but there is something more, grew out of that terrible mistake "to conceive the role of the Communist Party as inseparable from the fate of the" socialist camp "led by the USSR." But in these lines is also politically a step further: to agree with Giolitti in fact closed a wound inside the PCI (and conversely the way in Napolitano and Giolitti was reunified in thousands of opportunities on the Italian political scene and European). To agree with Pietro Nenni and the PSI for the positions they had taken in 1956 is to recognize a left party (the companions with whom he had formed the Popular Front) the ability to have been right. For the PSI Nennius that trial was the first breakout from the USSR, was an important step toward building a "autonomy" from the "socialist camp" and also dall'ingombrante communities.
"For me - explains Tamburrano - those words have enormous value. I know that the Communist Party in 1956 could not break away from Moscow: there were not conditions, the party would be torn. But of course with the eyes looking back now I would say: if then the PCI had taken a less marked (I think especially to the words of Togliatti, contemptuous even against what they called a tragedy all the PCI), if he had prevailed Di Vittorio, who has consistently criticized the Soviet intervention to crush the Hungarian uprising, perhaps we would have written a different story in Italy and the Italian left. " If
... if ... The 1956 and Hungary is one of the chapters on which the Communist Party and all the management teams that have gone through, it has more thought. You certainly can not go over that year (from the XX Congress of the CPSU with the denunciation of the evils and horrors chruscioviana the Hungarian uprising backed by the Stalinist Communist Party in that country and stifled in the blood of students and workers as well as communist leaders Imre Nagy and Pal Maléter) without reading it like one of those joints, those bifurcations of history. That intersection was struck by Nenni, who managed to bring the PSI (where well-Soviet members were strong, where the base was greeted with pride Lenin and Stalin gave the prize to Nenni) on the road that the PCI was only many years later took full . "The truth is that we saw little, just felt the major issues of principle - freedom and democracy - that were at stake in the proceedings on the" facts of Hungary. " Or rather we stayed in the cup in the ideological certainties ... Many years would pass before due we identify fully with the legacy of the highest liberalism and democracy rather than considered expendable, where they claim to build socialism, or merely formal rules, safeguards, procedures of political democracy. He said Enrico Berlinguer, but only in 1977 ": words of Giorgio Napolitano.
Now what was then a young leader of the Communist Party does not hide the mistakes and claims, if anything, the road (fatigue, pain, commitment) traveled along with many others is the President of the Republic. His reflection in the few lines sent to the Foundation Pietro Nenni (after many written and argued for decades) will reflect and discuss, because we are on the eve Fifty years after the celebrations of the Hungarian Revolution of '56. The Quirinale is preparing the President's trip to Budapest where he was invited for the occasion.
In Italy, where historical controversies are often an excuse for riots and lynchings by the right, someone has pretended that this road was not completed. Twenty years ago - as claimed in his writings - Napolitano acknowledged that "Giolitti was right 'today broadens the discussion to the Italian left and merits of Nenni. For critics
more "subtle" that challenge the president and those who come from the old Communist Party to call the name of the Hungarian revolution, the events you just have to postpone all'incipit Giorgio Napolitano dedicates the chapter in his autobiography to actual events: "... first there was the trauma of 1956:" facts of Hungary, the Hungarian revolution and its suppression. "

Liberation 08/29/2006
patient gave us the symbol (in spite) of Santa Maria della Pieta in Rome. Victim for more than thirty years of segragazione asylum: an agent of social redemption formidable thanks to the rehabilitation project that bears his name
The Will of Joseph F., died free from the asylum

Twenty-six years ago died Basaglia Franco in Venice, the psychiatrist whom we owe the introduction of Law 180 in Italy and the closure of mental hospitals. Four days ago, died Josephine F., historical patient psychiatric hospital Santa Maria della Pieta in Rome. Victim for more than thirty years of abuse mental hospitals, Giuseppina then became involved in a social redemption formidable thanks to the rehabilitation project that bears his name. A psychiatrist and a psychotherapist, Attenasio Luigi and Angelo Di Gennaro, the recall through a "fiction" - which includes Basaglia whose thought and practice which are still relevant today - that tell of his last wishes.

dawn on August 25 so I left without clamor, in a civilized and dignified as can be when you die. I was hospitalized at the Policlinico Gemelli, as they say, a bad bad. There I suffered but I did not suffer. Psychiatrists are quiet, not a frenzy, as they call them, my. I suffered, yes, but my suffering was once again became a pain, as it were normal, a place recognized by all as a place of healing. Despite the advanced disease as fast as a tank (I say this because even I am impressed by everything that happens far too easily in this world where you go to war to impose peace), with the doctors to do everything possible to stop it, I had the opportunity to reflect my life (I am / I of 1949). Ah, I forgot to mention that at 16 I entered the mental hospital in Rome and remained there for over thirty years. Dark years of silence, social deprivation and denial of rights, from the most basic, eating, sleeping serenely, bathing ... to the more "sophisticated", dressing decently, read, study, have relationships, in fact choose to do what most you like. My supposed-borne disease, who you remember most, the definition of which leaves time to find, can not be a justification for everything that I spent there. Then, finally, thanks to the 180, resigned from St. Maria della Pietà insertion in a large house with an "enterprise" rehabilitation, the Joseph Project, called just like me, because I had become in the meantime, do not give me the pretentious, quite "famous". Unfortunately, as you can be in a mental hospital. I was just a beautiful temper but it seemed right not to be defeated, fight with all our strength, even if you learn, against violence and abuse that I did, I felt unjust and undeserved free. Once outside, I became a victim hero, so to speak, because I helped to turn the heads of many who were near me, after all the great family of the Joseph Project. First of all, and I noticed the atmosphere great respect and emotion that lingered in my funeral, all my fellow ten-year woes mental hospitals with whom I had shared the many advances made. Also lived with them fondly Eugenio, for example, treated me like a daughter and Anna, another veteran of the Project, he greeted me with great gentleness: "Hello Josephine, sleep, sleep! ". I had never seen so serious, so "healthy and normal." Than normal in this case is not trivial, but the concept is "stock" and achieved a sense of achievement of civilization and democracy. I was also very important for the operators, who have loved me and that I loved you now know that you can redeem humanly and socially to live as if you shoot people and not beasts. To say nothing of my family, which had reconstructed a human relationship, which I had lost the taste and flavor. My sister Mary, then, a real fighter, he swore on my coffin will continue to fight because the camps do not return more mental hospitals.
These two doctors, Attenasio Luigi and Angelo Di Gennaro, Department of Mental Health ASL Roma C, I leave this my last will. They seem as good as the others I've known Democratic Psychiatry and also went to Strasbourg to say that the mental hospitals there should be no more not only in Italy but also in Europe. And I remember, I wonder if is it a coincidence that Franco died Basaglia, like today, twenty-six years ago. On a hot August day, just like me. And 'I call him a guarantee against any attempt to rethink on the 180. From wherever it may occur, even in a subtle and disguised, as when appeals are made subtle distinctions between care and support and says that caring rather than curing it means not taking responsibility for the care and healing, generating new chronicity. Well did Dr. Gabriel, who is called Joseph, like me, what has become an important director, but I remember it went to work with Basaglia, singing four to those who say do a transformative effect in psychiatry means doing especially psychotherapy. As if just to talk to some specialists can change your mind. And being in a house rather than in a mental hospital, work, love and be loved, do things, not even this treatment? That would value then the work of highly skilled workers in the departments (there are many serious and good) or Anton, Joseph, Peter, Maria Grazia cooperative Aelleilpunto in whose arms in recent years have also lived and died? If you can not talk about certain things (that do not know), it is better to remain silent. Trust me, it tells a psychiatrist that has known and suffered, not theorized and if you ask me if they are cured of mental illness, from up here I can say yes!. I greet you all with a message: it is good to look ahead but looking back and forth is even better.
Joseph F.

The anniversary - 26 years ago died Basaglia
"Madness is a human condition. In our madness exists and is present as is the reason. The problem is that the company, said to be civil, should be accepted as the reason for the madness, instead instructs a science, psychiatry, to translate the madness in order to eliminate the disease, "are words of Mark Levy MD, father of Act 180 and founder of Democratic Psychiatry, died twentysix years ago in Venice.
The first impact with the terrible reality asylums - gates, windows closed, related persons, straitjackets, chains-Basaglia him in 1961 when he became head of the Psychiatric Hospital of Gorizia. It 's the beginning to put his ideas into practice: no more physical restraint, electric shock or lobotomies. No more gates closed, no more patients treated as things, but as people. In 1971
Basaglia is the psychiatric hospital San Giovanni di Trieste. Created cooperatives of patients who work and earn, but also workshops, painting and theater experiences that continue to this day. In 1977 The San Giovanni is the first mental hospital to close in Italy. A year later, May 13, 1978, Parliament adopted the Law Reform 180 psychiatry. Finally, all the "mentally ill" come out of asylums. 'S the end of gratuitous violence, humiliation, the lack of rights. No more forced electroshock, lobotomy, confiscation of property. The unwanted, we can no longer delete or hide ourselves into a structure from which will be released only after his death. From that moment on, the madness must be recognized and accepted for.
Basaglia died in 1980 due to a brain tumor fulminans, but even today, twenty-six and twenty-eight years after the death of 180, his ideas are still alive and current. Unfortunately, there are continuing attacks in Act 180, attacks on the diagonal of others who would be hidden.

Corriere della Sera 06/29/2006
Those dark streets of complicity
Edoardo Boncinelli

Natascha was kidnapped when he was ten and eight years has been at the mercy of his captor. It was released and seems happy to be free, but to show that on balance she has behaved like a tyrant that resentment that one might expect. A story with some nice feature, among many others only slaughters and violent. Nell'anomalia anomaly. There were in fact cases of true love for the abduction by the kidnapper kidnapped girl, cases which are certainly explained. But here there is not that infatuated.
There is a distancing, a strange air of maturity, an absence, at least apparently, hatred towards those who did suffer a report extorted and distorted over the years the bloom of her womanhood. How to explain? In human love affair contribute two essential components: the purpose of sexual reproduction and a slow process of mutual attachment which finds its model in the relationship between parent and child, especially between mother and son. The maternal attitude towards children and filial to his parents is present in many animal species more or less close to us. Is the nodal center of the so-called 'care parents' behaviors of parents towards their children that include nutrition, protection, education and even the provision of a sense of security, which is essential in order to grow well. This privileged climate usually loosens and dissolves after the children began to "walk with his legs."
Our "puppies" but they remain so for a period much longer than everyone else and keep for a long time, somatically and psychologically, many of the characteristics typical of young specimens of other species. It 's why we developed this particular form of mutual affection between men and women, and sometimes even between individuals of the same sex, which we call love romantic. In this report, each person tends to behave like a child than the partners. But because the two can not both act like children, in some circumstances it happens that the man is the son and the woman's mother and other parties are reversed.
This game usually lasts a lifetime, but it is in the teens or those immediately following that is being developed. Which is the age at which according to the Greeks of the classical the best young people were forming "shadow" of a driving safer and more experienced. Natascha has had to live those years in prison and a state of awe, but obviously the Wolfgang was in a particular way, a way that has hurt and scorned, but not torn. She has thus had a sort of 'sentimental education', abnormal and reprehensible as it was, but that did not prevent the development of a sort of complicity and understanding almost even on his part. In the recesses of the "jumble of the human heart" of Manzoni in free Natascha has surfaced then a glimmer of maternal behavior toward the child-loving, but basically in need of protection.

Corriere della Sera 06/29/2006
The writings of Schopenhauer's pessimistic
BEYOND THE GAME OF SHADOWS
Paola Roe

curious fate, that of Schopenhauer: he and it was decided that it was systematic philosopher, as to require the reader to the exact order in which to address his writings, in his own lifetime had most of his late success is not so powerful architecture of the World as Will and Idea, as the
Sparkling aphoristic style of Parerga and Paralipomena, where the rigor of metaphysical speculation gives way to that topic so often the field lightning strikes as a foil, which gives him a place of honor in the tradition of the great moralists.
of this second line, seemingly more eccentric and rambling, also belong to the small gems that Franco Volpi is pulling out of the mine and the posthumous papers of the last of which is precisely the short collection of senility now published in translation of John Giurisatti (Arthur Schopenhauer, The art of aging, published by Adelphi , pp.112, € 8).
The basic theme, as is clear from the title, is old age, or more precisely the age which is presented to a master of pessimism and inveterate misanthrope from an early age, which comes to peacefully cross the threshold of seventy refusing haughty fearlessness with every comfort of a religious nature. There is little illusion that man is nothing but a "no living", condemned to live for a few years of this hell that the world is playing the dual role of blood and bloody hell torturer, in those circumstances, it is futile to presume to be able to transfer weapons and baggage, in some afterlife what we are used to define our individuality, though no doubt it would be nice 'lead intact in the greek world that we have learned in this '.
Yet, even as he shows us the vanity of the most common human hopes, Schopenhauer there points to another, drawn from the very heart of his system: the hope, indeed, the firm conviction that "everything that passes never really existed 'and that our deepest essence is not the same as in us is subject to time. Now we understand better, the serenity of this old: is that of someone who does not seek immortality beyond, in a chimerical future life, but knows that they carry, in the center of his being.
the bottom is as easy to look away from the game of mirrors that project the time and space around us, to get behind the phantasmagoria of ephemeral phenomena the eternal, the only reality of the "thing in itself", then we discover that the " ridiculous claim "of immortality is really answered, but" only thanks to the fact that individuality is a mere appearance 'and' what remains unchanged and always the same, and does not age over the years, is precisely the core of our essence, which is not in time and for This is indestructible. "
According to the individual thinker is mere appearance

Corriere della Sera 29/06/2006
In the "stone wall" the philosopher analyzes the contradiction between pain and hope of salvation
Severino and the paradox of Dostoevsky
The choice between Christ and the truth: a reading against
Armando Torno

B isogna admit that in Italy today are scarce philosophers. The majority of the characters which is identified with the noble title is composed of jovial traders scribbled ideas, sometimes they teach and they're doing more or less decent, a little share is also that of television fops, that drag from one network to another so as not to forget their faces. Among the other medium and lowly categories there also were those who try to dress up as philosophers and being ready to add a review to everything that happens: they are the heirs of the 'intellectuals' of '68, which increased with beard and authoritative purpose of fighting. Then there are the pathetic, the discoverers of hot water, the altar boys of thought that shape their genuflections to the problem. And so on, between prone and supine entertainers of all kinds.
All people who do evil, but as I say, is often ignorant, annoying and few, if not very few, can read the true masters of the original texts. Trouble is, circulating translations shaky and improvised in other times would have caused duels to the death. Patience. Using an expression of popular will say that "goes like this."
Do not ask us to provide you, dear readers, a list of exceptions. Who writes the report card ever made in his life and do not want to start now. However, it is certain that Italian is one of the few philosophers Emanuele Severino, who writes more than half a century reference pages, is translated into several languages \u200b\u200band is not compromised with the current climate (or pulling).
His works now are divided into two categories: theoretical, leaving in the series of philosophical Adelphi (where The youth also have been reprinted), and the popular (born from articles, essays, lectures or prefaces) that are almost all published by Rizzoli. In these days see the light, just by Rizzoli, the stone wall, the last collection which bears the subtitle "the sunset of the philosophical tradition" (p. 206, and 19). The book closes a trilogy that began with Islam
Prometheus (2003) and continued with Be Born (2005). Among the ten essays it contains - true fitness to think - it seems that two unpublished offer ideas in the search path of Severino. This is from the stone wall and de The ontological difference. Let's start
by the latter. These are pages where Severino down into the ground, unconscious, or rather, the philosophy of Heidegger, passing through the atoms, namely those thinkers who are among the founders of materialism. He notes - it also refers to Aristotle - that Leucippus and Democritus, the first teachers of this school, "the vacuum", a statement equivalent to "nothing is." On the one hand, the vacuum being separated from itself, projecting it into the manifold, and second is the condition of the possibility of becoming. Severino writes: "For the first time explicitly, to make the allegation of becoming, the states atomism, then, that nothing is." In
fascinating analysis that follows, we highlight the attempt by Plato and Aristotle, to avoid the consequences of this statement, then you remember that Nietzsche was the first to argue that if there is a becoming a God can not be fully and finally that Heidegger reads an opening - after being identified with the emptiness and nothingness - in his speech that suggests the possibility of God but is not something subtle or veiled. To get an idea, just note that Severino believes that Heidegger is closer to God than to Kant.
But the novelty of the book is Dostoevsky's philosophical analysis, implemented through the letter of 1854 to Natalia Dimìtrievna Fonvìzina (Where the writer says that if you had to choose between truth and Christ, would prefer the latter), then with a few pages of the Memoirs of the soil, finally and above all with the last of the great Russian masterpiece, The Brothers Karamazov.
Dostoevsky is considered - such as Aeschylus and Leopardi - a philosopher and his analysis of the pain is viewed in the perspective of becoming. Let's try to translate everything in simple terms: if the world is evidence of the pain, then you can not talk about future redemption in a composition made by God in the Kingdom of Heaven, because this pain that affects a child no one can delete it a time to come. Suffering is one of the emerging forms becoming, and if there was redemption in the future, it would be a joke against the real pain that the man continues to try.
It must be added that "stone wall" is an expression that appears in the Memoirs of the subsoil and the theory is incontrovertible and absolute, or rather the "two plus two equals four." Shestov - which has just published the fundamental Bompiani Athens and Jerusalem - believed that the 'stone wall' and the 'principle of non-contradiction "which was formulated in the fourth book of Aristotle's Metaphysics, Severino added that in the abovementioned letter to Fonvìzina the "stone wall" should be translated as "truth." But we know Dostoevsky that choosing Christ over truth. Or do you prefer to theories that philosophy has, and continues to develop, on it?

Corriere della Sera 08/29/2006
The blitz of 10 August
"Those arrested in London were not ready to hit" The New York Times attacks the theory of a plot
Alessandra Farkas

NEW YORK - The British and American authorities had spoken of a "mass murder on an unimaginable scale", "far more catastrophic September 11", "close to the run." But to remove the "mountain of evidence" gathered last August 10 by British police on the alleged terrorist plot to blow up, with liquid explosives, ten aircraft in flight, potentially on American cities, is the New York Times.
In an article by Don Van Natta, Elaine Wax and Stephen Grey, the American daily, for months engaged in a standoff with the Bush administration, suggests that "if it ever really existed, the plan of the bombers was not nowhere near implementation. "
"The suspects were not immediately ready to strike" the newspaper revealed five senior British officials.
"Despite the charges - The New York Times, the British authorities are still not sure that among the suspects Technically there was someone capable of putting together and detonate liquid onto an airplane in flight. "
The New York Times had already raised similar doubts last August 14 in an editorial, where Paul Krugman argued that "the British wanted to wait, but the Americans have pushed for it to go forward." A thesis far more detail in the report yesterday, at first published only on the printed version distributed in the U.S.. "The spread on the internet has been delayed temporarily on the advice of the legal department - said in a statement of direction -. British law prohibits the publication of information which may affect a lawsuit pending. "

Liberation 29/08/2006
Modigliani, art at the expense of the life of Paul in


An exhibition reveals the contrast between the serenity of his pictures self-destructive impulse of his life. With her friends had conflicting reports but nothing transpires in the balance of human figures. At the Royal Academy of Arts in London until October 15

London. Destined to a life of bohemian legend. Poverty, disease, despair relationships, drugs and alcohol. Because life is not worth the pursuit of their art and the art is worth the loss of life. Yet the contrast is strong between the serenity of the paintings of Modigliani and his life devoted to self-destruction. Thora Klinchowström, a model for one of the last paintings, shows that Modigliani did not stop a moment to drink, coughing, spitting blood, while he painted. But the calmness of the painted figure is solemn. Everything is balanced. Softness of the colors in the call between background and figure and that meat which absorbs light and glows in simplicity, which is perhaps the greatest gift of Modigliani. Make it simple.
At a time when the modernist yearning led to distortion, its distortion is minimal in comparison, aimed at an aesthetic where balance is everything. In art, not in life. In the repetition of the poses, the inclination more of the face or one arm raised, create a new dynamic. The sublime is to be sought in further detail. Balance between classic and new. No revolution. Only a refinement of new stimuli, cubist, neoafricane, drawn in the ferment of a volcanic Paris, where, despite the First World War in progress, the art world would sit in cafes, hashish is stunning, it is drowning in to create modern art. Modern art as a result of a collective hangover, or, as Duchamp says, of "the first truly international art group."
Modigliani is a painter of human beings. Like every artist is nourished by his surroundings. But his hunger was of people to be swallowed up in the service of art. Put down or held up on a background minimum. Never in a context. To limit the door of his study, the last period, a balance of functional geometries, a blend of colors. Yet it is Modigliani portrait. At least not in the sense of compromising their marketability in the service of clients. Models, however, needed. He painted friends, artists, gallery owners and their relatives and acquaintances. And they wrote the name on the canvas.
for his nudes was the art dealer Zborowski to procure models. And a salary. It is said that the key to shut the studio, and expect the picture. But the nudes are nameless. There are also female forms the service of his classics. You can see the body of Titian in those meat filled with colors so vivid. Modigliani is a painter of the flesh. There is no personality in women, no biographical reference, only the form, stylized and yet soft. None of his companions was painted naked.
Beatrice Hastings was a poet who wrote in Paris for a British magazine. A sullen personality. A relationship with Modigliani, between '14 and '16 where alcohol and quarrels abound. It tells of a quarrel which ended with the poet flung out the window. There is no trace of this on canvas. His physical traits recognizable aesthetic traits included in the painter should be pursuing. There is no psychological interest of truth, in Modigliani. Life, not only his but that of those shows is one thing. Another thing is art. In 1918
Zborowski organized a stay of Modigliani, with his partner Jeanne Hebuterne, Cote d'Azur. Health deteriorates. There are friends, artists and models. The lack of subject leads him to the locals, farmers, children. Without social intent. There is only the need for forms. Need people to continue to nourish his art to be attained in its perfection. That is, it is stated in the catalog, "long neck and sloping faces oval, oblong and flat, almond-shaped eyes, small lips and well defined. Figure set on a perfect S. Long lines. The background colors have a deep bond with the colors of the characters. " With these abstract patterns are painted his last major models, Hanka Zborowski, wife of art dealer, Lunia Czechowska, Zborowoski host family, and still Hébuterne, with whom Modigliani had already had a daughter. Hébuterne was 19 when he met Modigliani. She was beautiful, young, a bit 'timid, gentle and docile, it is described. As a good Catholic family. It 's a total love, and ill. Modigliani was handsome man, handsome, polite even when drunk. Him accept it. Seems to embody the figure of the lamb destined to sacrifice for Modigliani. In the paintings there is only sweetness. No trace of the real life of the artist's mood swings, where the affection alternating irritation for the unconditional submission of the girl. You exist for him. For his art and has already learned all lost in a teenage world. Do not even call a doctor when Modigliani was unconscious for two days. There is no alternative. There is no happy ending, even redemption. The story is well known. Two days after Modigliani's death, eight months pregnant, at age 22, kills himself.
The latest model of Modigliani is just himself. Him so reluctant to have his picture taken, choose their own person for the last of his paintings. The most symbolic. A self-portrait. In the background, still, it seems a door, but the balance of the composition, this time, is biased towards the left, toward the exit. The legs of the painter is already over. The palette is the limit. The rest of the body is following. Death is already there and he is aware, to meet him. As an artist. I gave, I'm leaving.
His works seem to speak of a man who loved people. Lying. Modigliani people needed to pay his personal tribute to the art and the life of 35 years are enough. This works not lie. Sober and saturated together in perfect balance in imbalance of too bent shoulders, necks are too long, oval faces, too, give off a simple feeling of solemnity. And beauty.