Tuesday, August 15, 2006

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Liberation 15/08/2006
A reversal in international politics
Piero Sansonetti

're right Giulio Andreotti (as often happens in foreign policy): UN Resolution 1701, which ends a month of fierce war in Lebanon, does not solve the fundamental problem that is the cause of that war and drammaticissima crisis in the Middle East: the Palestinian problem. Half a million refugees in Lebanon, desperate, poor, without a perspective, and then the hell of Gaza where the Israeli army continues to kill, and the hundreds of thousands of homeless in Israel and elsewhere. An entire people that has no land, a state, its system of rights, the ability to create an economy, and moreover is subject to brutal violence in Israel and often in blatant violation of all forms of legality. In addition to the penalties - unjust and odious - decided by the West and Europe, who did not like the outcome of parliamentary elections in Gaza.
The Palestinian issue is gigantic and it can not be addressed if it breaks the system of power established by the combination of total-US-Israel, and if you do not think covers everything you will ever have set about solving the problems of that part of the infernal world.
said, the UN resolution 1701, after many, many decades, marks a turning point in international politics. See that is an important turning point. The 1701 puts an end (hopefully not too much so ephemeral) to a war that caused hundreds of deaths and horrendous crimes (especially the army of Israel). It produces a lot of serious side effects: raised after years of humiliation the UN role (almost erased from Kosovo, Afghanistan, Iraq, etc.); excludes de facto NATO and the United States by the leadership and participation in military action, gives a mandate to establish peace UNIFIL (which is already in place but will increase its men and means) and then to a group European countries led by France and then Italy and Spain, requires Israel to withdraw, and secure the withdrawal by neutral troops. In essence imparts an international policy reversal. That is welcomed by Lebanon and the Arab world in all its formations, including Hezbollah and Islamic Jiad even. Now you understand that to oppose this resolution can occur alone or in error, for an assessment distracted, or - but on the other side - Why do not you want to stop Israel reduce its role.
Then it is right to discuss, make distinctions, to ask for guarantees, because a military mission is always a very complicated thing, and it is important that it is controlled by the parliament and the public and take place within the confines of constitutional rules, and pacifist vocation of the Italian center. We discuss well, but considering that the time is not us but them establish the humanitarian emergency, and to avoid confusion as to make trouble in Lebanon with the mission in Iraq or in Afghanistan: it is not that different companies have different answers . In order, in the manner, in a political sense. PS My friend
Furio Colombo continues to argue with the RAI because it is pro-Palestinian. Sandro Curzi's responded very harshly. I have great affection for Furio, who was my boss many years, and with whom I worked very well but his polemic against the talented colleagues TG3 is completely unfounded and very dangerous. Unfounded because the reporters of the TG3 were limited to reporting the news, and if the news was horrific massacres and gross violations of international law by Israel, they could not help it. They could be silent, fly: they would have done a poor job. Furio says he did not give sufficient relief with the news that the children killed in Qana were 17 and 25. Yeah, but we all know well that is difficult to make a headline that says: "Only 17 children killed in Qana by Israeli missiles ... "Do not you think?
The controversy of Columbus is also dangerous, because they indicate publicly journalists of the public service, and say that they are unwelcome, and do it from the pages of a newspaper to party - considered the party that has the greatest influence on the TG3 - could have repercussions. And we purges of journalists have had enough.

Liberation 08/15/2006
"Fausto, to send messages to Castro? There is a dictatorship ... "
of Pietro Ingrao

Dear Editor, As a militant of the PRC
community felt the need to express my dissent from the message that these days the president Bertinotti and partner Jordan also sent to Fidel Castro. From time to think that Cuba is in place a system of heavy dictatorship, which has committed serious acts of repression of the right to dissent and freedom of opinion, on the island by establishing a climate of harsh bondage.
Maybe I'm wrong, but I think you just know that the situation in Cuba there are major differences of opinion in the PRC.
*
Pietro Ingrao's opinion always counts a lot. Especially on issues such great and general: how the idea of \u200b\u200bfreedom, rule, dictatorship, regime. The message that Bertinotti and Jordan have sent to Castro - and have done so on a personal basis - reflects the policy (if you can use that term a bit 'old), which merges on Cuba has always expressed a line of great respect - of course - for the revolution and many of its values \u200b\u200b(and for the struggle that Cuba has had to bear, in the almost 50 years, the continuous attack against the United States), but with severe criticism for the very strong limits to freedom - and the conduct of democratic politics - and for each act of repression and punishment of dissent, or violation of human rights. This criticism of the PRC has also expressed formally in the classrooms of Parliament.
Ingrao course is right in the PRC live quite different opinions on Cuba and Castroism. Bertinotti and Giordano, for example, have said many times not to be convinced that Castro's experience can be paid in full, as was the Soviet regime or the history of the Bulgarian Communist Party.

Liberation 15/08/2006
Saleem, slaughtered because they did not follow the rules of patriarchy fundamentalist
Sometimes the males of the family agree that the price of freedom of a woman's life
Monica Lanfranco

Let's play: there are many set phrases and aphorisms misogynist, even apparently minor and even considered funny, in every tradition and culture? Beginning I: women and oxen from your own (which alludes to the covenant between men not to interfere in the governance of the females, just good basic compensation equivalent to the cattle), who says give woman says (which means the inevitability of disaster-related female and her attendance, and justify the absence in many parts of the world of children, selected through an ultrasound or removed at birth), the woman is the devil's gateway (which are clear, this statement differently in each religious treatise of all faiths). I will stop here, pointing out the seemingly innocuous greetings and children males is not uncommon, even in jest, in the national predictions.
E 'in the interweaving of these factors, mixed deadly submission of tradition, religious fundamentalism and patriarchal law that creates the dramatic story of the global war against women, war that kills millions each year to victims in times and places where raging waged war but also humiliates, enslaves and kills half the human race even where the sirens, falling bombs and exploding bodies killers.
In these days of anxiety for Lebanon, Iraq and other wars and who knows how many dangers threatening risks being taken as secondary, or just as a matter of routine news black, horrible death, in time and place of relative peace which is the province of Brescia, the young Hina Saleem, of Pakistani origin, found murdered and buried in the garden of his home. After two days of fruitless searches, triggered by the alarm launched by the Italian boyfriend with whom she was living recently, the discovery of the body has launched investigations, which reveal disturbing implications. It appears that the execution of Hina has been decided by a family council, who preferred his death rather than dishonor of a partnership with a man of another religion: the young man would be free from an arranged marriage to the breaking point dare to live. The father, who is yesterday afternoon along with a brother, refuses to answer investigators, while the Italian boyfriend would still be under protection, at an undisclosed location for fear of retaliation by other family members to Hina.
The newspapers published photos of the girl shows her beautiful, deep dark eyes, his smile open and full of life that every girl should have in dealing with the promises of love, the future of the construction of its own existence, but was always stop for the knife that cut his throat. The horror of his death reminds us that far too many are the dangers that women face in just because they are women, the dangers have not the semblance of maniacs unknown of ruthless men crazy or that attack you on the street, but having the face, eyes and hands of your husband, your partner, a relative of yours, your brother, your father. Men close, very close, that you loved, often you've chosen, with which you designed your life or life paths. Reminds us that as long as the freedom of choice of women to live fully and without restrictions, land and otherworldly, not be considered a priority indicator for the creation of civilization, culture and politics of a country and a people no woman and no man will be safe.
reminding us that peace and harmony between the sexes are constructed starting with the defeat of the stubborn and lethal fundamentalist visions of those who use religion as brandishing swords and as the only source to keep order and control, visions become more totalitarian regimes, often suck the milk from their mothers, who unfortunately support the architrave patriarchal powerful ally freedom-all scheme, sexual phobia and obscurantist. Urges us not to lose sight of the challenge, especially now in times of war and clash of civilizations, who have to take those who call themselves feminist and left is to revive the values \u200b\u200bof secularism and self-feminine, fragile and always pass with perseverance and persistence to the younger generations, to make them available to everyone, especially those coming in the West, such as commodities, collective and inalienable. Hina I wanted to enjoy, and maybe it was left alone, too alone to face the danger. As had been left alone the young worker haunted by former Italian boyfriend, although he had repeatedly complained to the police, and killed by the same a few months ago. As the sun have been left more than 200 women murdered in the home last year, bloody bits of the iceberg of gender violence. Sun, because it close to the dismay and horror, there is still too many people and too many cultures, and too many ways of thinking, justifying violence against women. It says it is certain that it was horrible raped, beaten or killed. Though. But perhaps a woman should not be too free, should not lead to clothing, and why then study or work outside the home rather than marry and to have a mother, why be worried, do not stay in place, ask questions, want to live? Why not obey the law of the father, that of the clan, to that of God? Too often the murders of women are justified and beds, including almost empathize and almost as acts of desperate men who were not able to bear the weight and pain of separation, for too much love, too affection. And it turns out that it was she, the victim, the woman so too independent to be selfish, insensitive: too little woman, in fact.

the poster 8/15/2006
But the Quran does not allow to kill the rebellious daughter
The Muslim law does not delegate to the family the right to decide life or death of children
Annalena Di Giovanni

Once considered a cultural tradition "Mediterranean", recently considered by many as a typical Islamic practice, the so-called honor crime is actually a phenomenon that cuts across cultures and religions found in any culture where descent is patrilineal and where control of female sexuality is loaded with specific social issues. However, the conduct a woman becomes the center of gravity of the prestige of his family is by no means set out in the Islamic context. Not only: it is the family, to judge and punish a woman, it is foolish and openly condemned by Muslim law.
First, the complex system of Islamic law of evidence is not compatible with the arbitrary punishment of crimes of honor system. In the Qur'an are condemned adultery and extra-marital sex, or petrol, and therefore deserving of punishment he or she will engage. The problem, in the case of a woman is able to prove his guilt. To do so requires four eyewitnesses swear they saw the woman accused consensual fornication with a man other than her husband. Against defamatory are severe penalties, and at five oaths of innocence of a woman worth more than four improbable eyewitnesses put together. If the woman is pregnant, the test is not sufficient for a pregnancy test not the fault of consensual, in which the only law school to make exception is that Maliki, in force especially in West Africa, which considers pregnancy sufficient proof of zina. The episode in the life of the Prophet Muhammad that behind this complex system of 'protection' from defamation (which at that time was used to exonerate his wife A'sha, disappeared for a night in the company of a young man) marked a clear and voluntary break with the right customary and the entire socio-political structure that its archaic Arabic on the control and confinement of women were based. Regardless of whether or not probatorietà of petrol, no system of law authorizing foreign figures to their own laws and punishments to administer Islamic law is no exception: why a father or brother should be allowed to do the job of a court? The Islamic legal doctrine was minutely articulated and developed for centuries, just to replace those that were the customs and traditions, freeing individuals from the power of the clan and to give everyone a "fair trial" in their own way. Why then abdicate? A striking example of the distance of Islamic law from the practice of honor killing is the Ottoman Turks in 1500, when extended in an attempt to harmonize the Muslim population were instituted sharia courts throughout the country. It often happened that women 'dishonored' to court incriminate. The reason was simple: to waive the penalties Qadhi (judge) than that of the father or older brother were quite different from the dead. For its part, the community is satisfied by the public admission of his "mistake." The moral was somehow confirmed, public policy "exception" and the reintegration of the "shameless" as possible.
Undoubtedly there is an underlying problem, one that rises faced with a moral and religious came into effect. Even the Old Testament, the Koran, provided severe penalties for adultery, but now many states in which religion and public policy, are distinct areas and each is free to conduct his private life according to your conviction. But it is logical and profound distance between Islam and honor killings, at least in theory.

the poster 8/15/2006
On the way the rights and responsibilities
An essay by Francis Fistetti that traces the recent history of critical thinking in the meeting indicating the Italian Gramsci and Foucault on the way out of his crisis
Carlo Altini

In this long post-1989 to talk about Marxism in Italy, is not considered a distinguishing element of the 'engaged intellectual'. More reassuring is talk of "left", even without specifying the nature. It would appear, this is a shift in language is a cultural shift that indicates a block in developing an ethical and epistemological critical social theory. Despite this taboo becomes, however, more and more undeniable that today some elements of Marxist thought appear valuable to take the universal form of abstraction that capitalism has taken in the global age, that era of crisis production Ford and state sovereignty. But what Marxism? And where again, after years of the desert?
on the manifest (24, 28, March 30, 11 and 22 April) have already appeared contributions of philosophers and economists who aim to make a deal with some evidence of revival of Marxism. Francesco Fistetti (The crisis of Marxism in Italy. Chronicles of political philosophy: 1980-2005, the Melangolo, pp. 103, € 16) shows us a fruitful way, making an exemplary plot between political philosophy and history of philosophy. In fact, his return hinges on some basic Italian intellectual history of the last three decades is not merely to propose courses of cataloging historical scholars, but to own - through understanding abnormalities, turns, mistakes and problems of the outstanding Italian Marxism - find a new way of critical thinking.
with a taste for the conceptual complexity and stratification theory, policy analysis, and profiles the intellectual paths from Fistetti are as fleeting and categorical judgments on the inability of Marxist thought, in the eighties, to "face the reality and turn to a critical attitude towards the dominant political-philosophical paradigms. " No less vivid accusations against the policies of the Left parties, especially against the "iron law of elites and against the separation between theory and policy. Even disastrous illusion nourished by many intellectuals to find in the pages of Niklas Luhmann, Carl Schmitt and the way out to the problems of democracy, while it would have been the decisive crossroads - never tried - including the concepts of hegemony and governmentality, that is, between the surveys of Antonio Gramsci and Michael Foucault on metaphysics and anthropology of the Keynesian-Fordist state (and, to a lesser extent, the author would have been useful for comparison with the austromarxismo Bauer and Adler, with liberal socialism and Carlo Rosselli the Liberal Guido Calogero).
It is therefore a gallery of errors (those tasks in accordance with the Marxists Fistetti Tronti, Geymonat, Negri and Asor and intellectuals of the "Left" Cacciari, Vattimo, Veca and Flores d'Arcais), before which they are invoked the examples of critical thinking offered by Claude Lefort, for example around the key theme of the totalitarian biopolitics.
resides in this failure to update the "toolbox" of the Italian Marxist (but, we might add, not only Italian) the inability to understand and to govern the decisive cultural shift from the paradigm of distribution to the paradigm of recognition, which is worn over the years nineties and whose long-wave is still in the middle (sometimes tragic, as in the fundamentalist tribalism) of the current national and international policies. The pars
destruens volume serves to explain the status quo of thought Marxist due to the unfortunate gap between the "two lefts" that is, between those who accept a narrow economic and political liberalism and those who, while exposing the illusions of neo-liberalism, fail to define a new paradigm of democracy, since it merely to emphasize the negative tendencies of national citizenship and global governance. Fistetti has no doubts on the core of the problem: "The critical point of the theory of Marx and Marxism is exactly the political 'that leads to a very high price to pay to the defense of democracy and human rights.
In short, the Italian Marxism is no conceptual elaboration, from a critical reflection on their limitations in the analysis of the state Keynesian-Fordist, was able to respond to the current crisis of democracy, without throwing away the democracy itself. Here
Fistetti Levinas retrieves the lesson of taking the "responsibility for others' as a ground for the reconstruction of a truly democratic polis and in response to the problematic relationship between justice and recognition. The rights should not therefore be understood individualistically, but as a common good (which is why it is necessary to mention the other asymmetry and excess diversity): the only way the differences do not appear as an affirmation of identity in opposition, but as an expression of finitude aware of its limitations. Here, in an age limit that affects the status of the subject 'owner' without corroding the language of rights, the real challenge lies that Marxist thought can launch - without inferiority complexes - the liberal thinking, in particular through a rethinking of the ethos of our philosophical and political categories, so call into play the issues of giving and obligation toward others, and especially in the era of globalization.

the poster 8/15/2006
Variations around the triptych damn philosophy
Besides the traditional Marx, Spinoza and Machiavelli. The other story of materialism. "Raids Spinozist" Vittorio morphine Mimesis The vacuum of this A theory that forces us to confront the unpredictability of historical events and the possibilities offered by the contingency
Roberto Ceccarelli

It 's a chance that no one has yet had the bad taste to declare the coming of a "renaissance Spinoza, "even though in Italy continue to multiply books, conferences, dissertations and a certain charm for the popular Dutch philosopher. Spinoza was never drafted and, consequently, abandoned by a party, or simply by specialists from the masses. After the "great and terrible century," the twentieth century, today is not just re-discovered by 'no'.
Contrary to what unfortunately happens in some Marx time. In fact, no one would pass to her that a renewed philological analysis of the work of Spinoza could trigger a counterattack on the fantasies of an unjust world. Not only because it is more rugged than the philosopher of Trier, and does not allow easy analogies with this, but because the study of materialist thinkers should rarely warn that the theory provides a universal key capable of preparing the table for the revolution.
The index of seriousness of a book on one of the main authors of the materialist tradition is clear in the sky from all wishful thinking and political theorist. For those who believe that Spinoza - not to mention Marx - has heard the theory as the first battle against other theories, sign that the theory is always produced by historical contingencies, from a clash of controversy, and that the story should be narrow straitjacket of teleology or finality, an interesting read is the book of Victor Morfino Raids Spinoza. Case, weather report (Mimesis, pp.235, € 16).
The reason is obvious, just scroll down his first three essays. What Spinoza is still a thought that used to wage war against the established images of Western thought. Morphine disrupts such as the classic image that the history of philosophy has given to Spinoza. That is, a philosophy based on the idea that Heidegger had in the history of the 'Being' and that today, after three decades penetration into our universities, it still has its head in the rankings of academic degrees.
In the reconstruction provided by the German philosopher, wrote Morfino, there are all the prejudices that have plagued the reception of Spinozism for centuries. Pantheist, irrational, mystical thinking Spinozist in which word of Hegel and Schelling, but there is no reflection immediacy, and there is the work of the negative but only the blind necessity of things, there is no history but only theology. In Heidegger, then, like Descartes, and more than Leibniz, Spinoza would merely be a Western thinker, the soul, an advocate of nihilism.
Morfino argue just the opposite. Spinoza is the breaking with nihilism. He denies the existence of alien species (the soul, being, God and much more) worldly experience and its history. For him there are only events produced by a web of relationships between individuals, the interweaving of causality immanent in history, and lack of direction of matches from which arise the conditions for creating the story.
E 'a perspective that gets interesting when, towards the end of the book, morphine incorporates the latest writings of Louis Althusser. These are the texts as "cursed", written from 1982 onwards, when the French philosopher came out of the dark background in which his mind had plummeted after the murder of his wife. Morfino Texts overlooked that, animator magazines but also collections of books, has capitalized on in the nineties by proposing their translation in Italy. In these texts, Spinoza is placed in a "stream-materialist" which dates back to Lucretius and stretches up to Machiavelli and Marx. Althusser thought this story 'other' of philosophy in its opposition to the one described by Heidegger, not to mention that the talk of the Marxist-Leninist orthodox and heretics of the twentieth century, whose Marxism - he wrote - "is a form transformed and disguised of idealism. "
Machiavelli-Spinoza-Marx. And 'this triad damn indicated by Althusser in the' other 'history of materialism that not only serves to show that another world is possible but in this world there is no guarantee for anybody. This is because it navigates in a "void" blinding: of values, foundation, management, where it is needed - with hard realism - break into economic theory and policy and reversing the direction.
But the emptiness of the economy is hard to tame a dragon. Because every situation ripe for political and social transformation is always suspended aleatoriness events. It may also happen that, after reaching a breakthrough (a revolution, and even the welfare state) is lost in the brief span of a generation. That "crisis of Marxism, Althusser denounced by the late seventies, is today more timely than ever because it has become the crisis of politics tout court: unable to stop the event and to give themselves a philosophy of history, to consolidate the openings of a particular political and social situation.
The tragic succession of events on the political scene, found in a rhapsodic last Althusser, does not appear in the book of Morfino leave no trace of skepticism or failure. On the contrary, the end of his reading, one wonders if the political ontology of constructivism reports - an argument already widespread in Europe, beginning with Etienne Balibar in his recent book on Spinoza The transindividual (Ghibli) - is a way to believe in this materialistic world. And not to betray him singing Twilight of the hymn as we become that it now seems the only way to be recognized materialists and "left" today.

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