Why Showdown Not Vexilar

Headlines 22/08/2006 The Republic
Ideas
What does it mean to be called socialists
JOHN LLOYD

The Party of European Socialists has a motto: " Socialists and be proud of. " It may be that they are proud, but socially defined is a disservice to the language. If "socialist" means something, in fact, the PSE can not continue to be defined as such. This is something else, something other than a fairly right-wing party, but not socialist. It would be desirable that the European policy understood him.
Consider the situations of the main left-wing parties in Europe. In power longer than any other is the British Labour Party, and none of its leaders - let alone Tony Blair - the socially defined, from time to time he comes to speak of social democracy. The German Social Democrats, part of the coalition led by Christian Democrat Angela Merkel, are not able to accomplish much by itself, but - as at the time - Determine an impasse in the internal political process. Even the English Socialists - the victory of last year which is coming up totally unexpected, but since then have been able to consolidate their power so staggering under the leadership of Jose Zapatero - more than in economic reform in the sense Socialists are committed to the liberalization of society. In Sweden the Social Democrats are a party to the government almost continuously, and in that condition because they have taken a more centrist. In the Netherlands, a Labour party not in power is looking for new positions primarily on immigration in a country which has gradually strengthening the opposition to the arrival of other immigrants, and where you are taking a much more rigid against radical Islam. In France the Socialists are still suffering the consequences of their dramatic defeat of 2002 and the deep rift in their relationship to Europe, while the favored candidate for president, the popular Segolene Royale, is gradually veering toward more centrist positions - is could almost call them right - and just make them so popular.
In Italy, after a turbulent period - which in many ways could be called shameful - a right-wing government, has been in power the Left and the Union of the Left has already begun to do what the right-wing government has done: to liberalize the economy. This is something necessary, which can not be said to belong to the political left. At the same time, the left has taken the arduous task of uniting the main political parties that compose it and that has sparked a debate about what the next incarnation. This operation resembles the debate that gave birth to New Labour in the early nineties, even if it takes place in circumstances even more complex.
All parties of the European Left, and tradition, very different and have to deal with national issues as diverse ever, are similar in some key aspects. No longer believe - Or at least no longer act in the belief - that socialist measures in the economy will sustain growth and even on a longer term of employment. I'm struggling with a violent reaction, common to all Europe, to immigration and the fear of radical Islam, to counter which should develop detailed methodologies policies. Finally, they see their traditional constituency, the working class organized in unions, continue to decline even more. In the former communist states, life after communism has proved hard for the democratic parties of the left who have struggled to gain political power.
In Europe between the parties left and those on the right there - or it may be - a difference of practices and principles of the PES is best expressed in the pursuit of a European social model, which will rely on high taxes to support a relatively generous welfare state, good services health, public education and high spending on public infrastructure. This is social democracy, but was more or less, also the practice followed by many of the center-right parties in Europe (but not in the UK from the seventies onwards). A de facto agreement between the center and center on the preservation of a generous and interventionist welfare state has not disappeared, indeed it is so strong that a government led by Silvio Berlusconi - who described himself as someone who would have freed the economy from its Italian corporate chains - has done very little to change the structure of the fund.
what to expect, therefore, when we elect a leftist government? No longer an economic transformation, no longer an automatic liberal approach to social issues and those related to immigration, not more, even, support for workers. We expect a rather more social approach, a more liberal attitude towards social issues and individual; more emphasis on integrity, a greater willingness to enact laws that respect the rights of women. All these differences are important: they can mean a change for the better in the rights and lives of people. But it is, nonetheless, to relative differences, because the right-wing governments do not expect to be opposed to these things, at least not in an exaggerated and dramatic.
There are, of course, specific reasons for which the parties can not suddenly change the concepts we believe in, even if they do not act according to them some time. There is a tradition - often a tradition of struggle, at times of oppression, which can not be dismissed lightly. Maybe it's because the British Labour Party has never been subject to repression by the forces of a totalitarian right - As in Germany, Italy and Spain - that it was able to change so radically and openly as it did. There are party members, many of whom cling to the idea that socialism can prevail. And finally there is the opposition right-wing that tends - like all the opposition - to force them to stand out as rivals of the right, thus forcing them to remain attached to the name of socialism.
One of the best reasons is that socialism - democratic socialism - has achieved many good results in the century or so since the existence. His two totalitarian degeneration - the National Socialism and communism - can not, by itself, affect the power by which progressive socialism, of secondary importance until the second world war, since it is of primary importance. The popular pressure for a fairer society were expressed by the Social Democratic party and supported the government. Where in the second half of last century are still in office authoritarian regimes - such as Spain, Greece and Portugal - the Socialists are opposed to and after their fall, once in government, have done much to remedy the damage done to their society. They helped to give dignity and security for workers, have given voice to the values \u200b\u200bof tolerance and liberalism in social matters; and at international level would be found lined up for peace and reconciliation. In fact, the very fact that the center can no longer seriously put into question these results, it is a recognition of their success.
For this success, however, have evolved continuously. The essence of the center is its flexibility, which his opponents called opportunism, but in fact is a weighted recognitions of socio-economic changes. At this stage of European history, socialism - if this word refers to a collection of social and economic measures, rather than a historical memory - no longer has meaning if he does appeal to older militants, not a charge to young people, if it evokes a vision of a great past, compromises the future.
But there is still a field of progressive politics which is the next heir. It is the policy that uses a variety of means, including market mechanisms, to ensure that the services provided to society - such as health, education, pensions - are both efficient and adequately funded. The liberalization of the economy, such as that which is currently pursuing the Union left, always unleash the wrath of the categories that have gained benefit from a monopoly, but where the liberalization stimulates the fall of prices of services and products , As often happens, then it will bring benefit to a broader slice of the electorate.
The Left was inclined to be liberal on social issues and still can be. As a secular force, it provides space to artistic and personal prefer active participation to passivity. It can express a social optimism that encourages shared commitment to improving the environment, to assist the most vulnerable people and to aid the vast part of the world still mired in poverty. It may well express opposition to tyranny in other countries and indicate - even now that the project of liberating Iraq bogs down - a better way to remove oppression of the peoples still burdened by a totalitarian regime.
More than anything, the left has the ability to give a vision of a society that still requires values \u200b\u200bto be believed. This vision must be pluralistic, leave a space and the possibility of developing beliefs and principles which are not necessarily those of the left. But it must also have its own integrity, that of solidarity, openness to dialogue, the willingness to compromise. Must continue to fight for democracy in the broadest sense, not against the dictatorship - and now, at least in Europe - but against apathy and fragmentation of society. This is all part of his legacy and could be part of its future.
Create a new party from existing ones - as now has the opportunity to make the Italian left - could mean redefining and reinvigorating a progressive policy for this century. At the European level, could offer European parties of the left base from which to propose the modernization of their respective companies. If the PSE can not say "Socialists and proud of it," it can still be very proud of what could become a force for democracy, solidarity and internationalization of popular freedom.
(Translated by Anna Bissanti)

Agi 08/22/2006
(AGI) - Rome, August 22 - It 's not over or dead, and' alive and vital, and above all you can 'be proud to be on his side, close to that' revolutionary reformism 'so different from the' modernist reformism 'that has characterized the European social democracies, but also from communism in its variables of captive-communism. Cosi 'socialist Giorgio Ruffolo, an economist and president of the ERC, the' DS ' Cesare Salvi, president of the Senate Judiciary Committee and the historical socialist Joseph Tamburrano arise in front of the debate on the issue of the' o less than socialism, open and dealt with by 'The Reform' as 'Unity' and 'Republic' John Lloyd with a reflection of that part of the European Socialists in the motto: "Socialists and proud of it!" He added, "if you want to say something the Socialist PSE can not 'continue to define this," given the experience of liberal England Blair, Spain's Zapatero, German and Swedish social democracy, or until the crisis in socialism French. "True that the social connotation and is 'very blurred and that is not' an identity recognizable today 'responsibility with regard to social-century after the Second World War, hence the birth of the Welfare State - explains Ruffolo - but' equally true that there is space for socialism ', and how! is to retrieve that' revolutionary reformism ' which allows not only not to resign the existing, strong relationships in which wins the most 'strong but to affirm the democratic humanism, a founding principle of the history of socialism. "Therefore, retrieve the' revolutionary reformism 'theorized at the time by Riccardo Lombardi. "It 'was a great idea still applies today to respond to the crisis of European socialism and' very defensive and sees the prevalence of the most 'moderate note - save - and Lombardi to his ideas I feel very close" . (AGI)

Agi 08/22/2006
(AGI) - Rome, 22 August. - Find consensus, albeit with critical distinctions and emphases, the idea of \u200b\u200brecovering and focus the political debate the 'reformism revolutionary 'in its time as theorized by Riccardo Lombardi. As spokesmen Defense Minister Arturo Parisi and Antonello Falomi , vice-president of the PRC Communist Party in the House. "Lombardi and 'was a forerunner of the season that finally sees that we are living alongside reformist inspiration and backgrounds, certain signs, but no longer' held by different political and party affiliations," and 'the view that the Minister Parisi Lombardi and 'and was an admirer and' yet, so you feel good as a political project, "characterized by a strong reformist tension and because it 'the bearer of an idea' s so high as to justify an expression seemingly contradictory, but significant as a reformer and revolutionary 'was basically the same amount across the political experience of the Socialist Lombardi. "To Falomi," socialism must be reinvented: all that remains and' status as values, I think of freedom ' and equality, but nothing 'and that' was concretized as a tool for those values, as the context and 'totally dominated changed and how' of globalization: the 'revolutionary reformism and Lombardi' was certainly an idea strong today, but perhaps not 'fully valid in the new context. "Today the' theater 'and the battle', and Falomi," the world, and when compared to the past 'was the single country must be built for this - concludes - A strong left-wing socialist and pacifist non-violent world that has as a reference work to liberate and remove from the precariousness 'which' person, able to confront the problems new jobs, of course, globalization. "(AGI)

Agi 08/22/2006
(AGI) - Rome, 22 August. - The historic Tamburrano pressed, "I am a socialist and proud of it" and then observes, "it turns out the hot water by saying that Europe is not c 'and' socialism, but something that looks like just having the dose of liberalism and liberalism that distinguishes Blair and Zapatero or the Social Democrats, or at times even the French: and 'why' socialism and 'died o' a betrayal of values? ". The historian and 'for the second hypothesis: namely, betrayal of values. "What should be carefully assessed and 'the prospect of the Democratic Party - Tamburrano concludes - that to me and' the collapse of any final political project in a socialist direction." The same opinion and 'Save. "What is taking shape with the Democratic Party and 'solution - the member states' DS' - structurally moderate, outside the debate in Europe about how to revive the fortunes of socialism, whose basic principles must be preserved (State social advancement of civil rights) against a greater emphasis on political democracy, participation, political transformation. " Finally Ruffolo the current 'of socialism, version of the 'revolutionary reformism', rests on three main priority ': the world order, ensuring that is' governance 'world - says Ruffolo - In a sign of peace, dialogue and confrontation that American superpower is not' able cover; the port to a democratic capitalism and the way up to the progress that can not 'not be founded on social humanism. Here on these three points I see strong action by Europe as a whole to rise, surpassing sovereignty 'national attraction to the role of the World. "(AGI)