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Unit 30/08/2006
DOCUMENTS
the first conviction came from the CGIL led by Di Vittorio, on "Rebirth." The secretary of the party but it got the withdrawal
Togliatti wrote: "Counterrevolution in Hungary»
Massimo Franchi

intervention Giolitti's eighth congress of the Communist Party was not the only dissenting voice within of the communist movement in Italy on Soviet tanks in Hungary. In a statement, published in full in the November issue of the monthly "Rebirth", the CGIL led by Vittorio Di "in the tragic events of Hungary recognizes the historic and definitive condemnation of anti-democratic methods of government and political leadership and economic managers who determine the gap between and masses of the people, and deplores the intervention of foreign troops. " But Togliatti able to obtain a "turnabout" in the direction of the leader of the CGIL union, not a direct reply to Giolitti for expulsion in 1957 in villages that will be followed by the diaspora of intellectuals from the PCI (Calvin Sapegno, Trombadori, Crisafulli) announced the famous "letter of 101".
The first official comment on the facts of Togliatti of Hungary is published in the October issue of the monthly magazine "The Rebirth". In an editorial entitled "On the facts of Hungary," the secretary of the Communist Party calls "extremely serious facts of these days." Well aware of the consequences on the basis of the Soviet intervention against a friendly government feels "the need that the militant (...) (...) of our movement does not allow himself to be neither surprising nor be deceived and overcome by the wave reactionary, anti- , anti-socialist, anti-Soviet who seeks, in the confusion of events, to drag public opinion behind him. " Unlike Khrushchev's disclosure report on the crimes of Stalin, when after months of waiting heavily attacked the Soviet system in the famous speech at the cultural magazine "New topics", Togliatti now supports the sending of Soviet tanks to stop the "counterrevolution." The secretary of the Communist Party blamed the incident "the incomprehensible delay of party leaders and the country in understanding the need to implement those changes (...) investing the line followed in the march towards socialism 'leaves' critical analysis of the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU. For him, the uprising of the people is "organized, has a well-developed tactics, precise objectives, and does not end when, under the existing regime, these measures are implemented (the temporary return to power Nagy, ed) that ensure the broadest approach entirely new political direction. At the armed uprising, which puts the city on fire, can not be answered if not by arms. " With regard to imperialist pressures writes: "We only did it lose its sense of political reality and class. (...) We know that Hungary is the subject of years of continuous, relentless action. The slogan and the promise of the liberation of socialism have been trumpeted by the imperialist governments as a cornerstone of policy. And he accompanied a ceaseless agitation, conducted with all possible means, to a country where the old reactionary classes retain their roots and their hopes. " Togliatti then concludes by referring to the dictates of Marxist-Leninists. "This is our position that concedes nothing to the enemies of socialism, that should not lessen the vigilance against class enemies, and when I'm being dramatic events such as those of Hungary, we should not lose your head, to look at the substance of things, not to be dominated by one-sided and emotional reactions, or drag in a deployment that is not ours. " The following month Togliatti returns to the topic with another editorial entitled "Iroldalmi Ujsàg" behalf of the Hungarian Literary Gazette, laying the blame for the riot to the circle of writers "Petoefi. Feeling that he was losing the intellectuals in Italy, they skirted the fault of the intervention in Hungary.

Unit 30/08/2006
The original sin of '56 and the Italian left
Bruno Bongiovanni

THE COURAGE TO NENNI . Napolitano is in the words of the full recognition of a break then the socialist leader who was able to impose his party. The rift with the USSR not made possible by the Communist Party changed the historical evolution of both parties with historical parables then unimaginable.

This newspaper published yesterday, the beginning of the article by Robert Roscani, the five lines of the message sent by Giorgio Napolitano, Joseph Tamburri, president of the Foundation Nenni. About those events that were described with descriptive minimalist bureaucracy "of the events in Hungary", and are now rightly classed as "Hungarian Revolution", the Head of State, then a young and already influential member of the Central Committee of the PCI states explicitly that they had no reason, in the dramatic fall of 1956, only Antonio Giolitti and sponsors of dissent within the Communist Party, but also, and in some ways most importantly, the Socialists autonomist party Nenni, then being painful, yet clear, emancipation from the Soviet myth and loyalty, which was not unrelated to a complicated complex of inferiority towards the PCI. There is no denying the importance of the message. Twenty years ago, when the PCI was still alive, however, acknowledged that Napolitano had reason to Giolitti, and then the Hungarian insurgents. In his autobiography, written and published when the presidency was still unimaginable, and yet to come, the same Napolitano also did not hesitate to make public more about the '56 Hungarian, his "severe torment self-critical" about a position at that time being with with the authoritarian-Manichean conception of the role of the Communist Party, seen as "inseparable from the destiny of the socialist camp led by the USSR," naturaliter contrasted field and is already installed on the future of humanity in front of "imperialist." Not blown away and even reinforced by the XX Congress of the CPSU, which produced bitter disappointment after the initial illusions, and not yet in jeopardy, the same geopolitical terrain, ideal, while the presence of an active field of European and democratic, was therefore the continuing Stalinist theory of two fields that still fermenting in the minds of the communists, convinced the world to ride the course, structure the opinions and prejudices.
The message, Although Hungary was fully metabolized of '56 well after the Czechoslovakia in '68, it is therefore important for some unknown jerk self-criticism. Everything has already been said. And the "line" Togliatti, codified after the silence of Calvino's "great calm of the Antilles" (post-XX Congress), and after the applause machine guns on the workers of Poznan (June 1956), for many decades has been happily put in discussion. What weighs now, and that somehow takes on a meaning of historiography, it is rather the recognition of the courageous and intelligent policy of the PSI, then a party that wanted to take risks, unlike PCI, the laceration (lesser evil than subordination to the "ghost of Stalin"). Who took advantage of the irreversible free output of 1956-'57 to bring the country, with the center, despite the sabotage attempt in 1960 by the Government of Tambroni DC-MSI, and in 1964 despite the weakening of the reformist impulse, the social landscape that was opening thanks to the industrial revolution still amazing mass of 1958-'63.
Going now to review the opinions expressed on "Unity" and "Avanti!" various stages of the Hungarian revolution, and counter-normalization sets the USSR, there is now with much caution and sense of responsibility for the events were followed and commented on by PSI. Who offered, so to speak, a generous bank policy, absolutely not conservative, where many dissidents PCI - Giolitti in his head - could fit harmoniously. But in the PCI could not and would not take advantage. "Avanti!" In fact remained true to himself. He argued, as "Unity", the new Hungarian government, when it appeared that the latter, before the brutal betrayal of the USSR, enjoyed the support of the Soviet Union. Imre Nagy was appointed prime minister was in fact the Hungarian Communist Party. And the same Nagy had sought and received assurances from Yuri Andropov about the fact that the USSR would not have choked with violence the new course. Andropov, however, knew that things would not go that way.
The split between the positions of Togliatti (and PCI) and those of Nenni (and PSI) matured so definitively only with the change made on 3-4 November, intervened when the Russian troops that were stationed in Hungary . Now emerged, as in previous days, the working-class resistance. They were formed everywhere, as in 1905 and 1917 in Russia, in Italy as in Germany and Hungary (!) In the postwar period, workers' councils. Who were able to extend well beyond the yield of November. Up to perform, even in December, and in addition, negotiations with the Kadar government. Was in place, after East Berlin in 1953, and after the same Poznan 1956, the last workers' revolution, anonymous and "class" of the twentieth century. Who else remembers the name of one of the workers of Budapest? Although this revolution was doomed to failure anyway. "Avanti!" recognized in any event the socialist character of the Hungarian Revolution. The same Indro Montanelli, in his famous matches for "Corriere della Sera, he recognized them. The harsh words thrown from Togliatti and Longo, who accuse of "revisionism" Giolitti, are also popular. As is known the 'self-criticism made on several occasions, for many years, by Pietro Ingrao and the dissidence of Giuseppe Di Vittorio. In the words of
Napolitano can finally understand between the lines, more than a regret. For the involvement of the PCI in the moral and political responsibility in an act of repression and anti-working class, of course. To dissolve the unity of the left, just as certainly. But even for self-isolation in which the PCI autorecluse, tumbled by making additional replicas of the story and forcing himself on a long journey, made in order to leave a mess dimidiato Leninism and grab what the PCI itself, at least in part in 1956, already was. But the PSI core minority of the Italian Left since 1948, was left alone by the PCI and accused of collaborating with the "neo-capitalism." Thus, responsibility for policy in 1956 of former communist allies, after being in turn, and for over twenty years, a party of government control and able to hew out, in line with changes in society, great achievements (the divorce, the status of workers, and so on), the PSI was dragged into the processes that were alien to its nature and its tradition. Up to lose, at least in part, himself. And to lose, at least in part, calling its libertarian. We can then say that it is an original sin, the 1956 PCI and the CPSU, that the Italian left, as a whole, while engaged in the construction of the Democratic Party, still suffers today.

Republic 08/30/2006
"on the invasion Soviet Nenni was right "
Autocritica Napolitano's position on the PCI on the invasion of Hungary in 1956
Message from the President to the foundation run by Tamburrano ahead of the trip to Budapest
Simonetta FLOWERS

ROMA - "On the facts of Hungary, the Hungarian uprising and its repression, he was right Pietro Nenni." few and simple words, pronounced by Giorgio Napolitano, on the eve of his trip to Budapest, on the fiftieth anniversary of that tragedy. An unpublished opinion , which expands the self-critical reflection, beyond the compensation made public twenty years ago against the companion Antonio Giolitti, dissenting in 1956 and then opposed it from the same Napolitano. This time the recognition extends to the sister party, the Socialist Party, personified by the Secretary that brave, challenging the widely-Soviet mood in the base, broke with "the undemocratic methods" of Moscow "neocolonial." "A confession important, full of implications," defines the Joseph Tamburri, president of the Foundation Nenni and recipient of the presidential message. "I did not expect an award as directed, even if the rethinking of the complex relationship between PCI and the PSI in that season is a long time in the development of Napolitano."
In the fiftieth anniversary of the Hungarian uprising, drowned in blood by Soviet tanks, the Foundation has designed a booklet Nenni - The left in that unforgettable 1956 - enriching the old edition of When the Socialists broke with Moscow (a collection of 86) with new evidence of Napolitano, Achille Occhetto, Rossana Rossanda. "Several months ago, before the presidential nomination, asked Napolitano to write an essay on the subject. Then he said yes, but after the election he asked me to lighten it, proposing to publish the "Hungarian chapter" of his autobiography recently published by Laterza. The surprise was the letter with the court on Nenni. "
recognition to the "knife brother - brothers knives PCI and PSI were in accordance with a formula Gramsci - hitherto never openly expressed, is almost a natural maturation of the painful self-criticism that Napolitano is a long time preparing on the Hungarian uprising put down with violence. A wound is still open for much of the Left, that "conformist zeal" - as the President noted in his autobiography From the Socialist Communist Party - agreed to the grounds of Moscow. "The justification of the bloody Soviet military intervention to suppress a popular movement branded as counter-revolution, remains a matter of grave torment self-critical," reflects Napolitano, who explains the allegiance to the Soviet Union with the myth of the inviolability of the socialist camp " under the banner of Moscow "rather than challenging the imperialist front." "Truth," writes, "is that we saw little, felt little of the great questions of principle - freedom and democracy - that were at stake in the proceedings on the" facts of Hungary. " Or better to stay within the confines of ideological certainties acquired in the party. " The tribute to
Nenni, today is another step forward. Tamburrano argues: "It is implicit in this award to PSI, a rethinking of the relationship between the two parties. Clear allocation of responsibility for the PCI breaking left. If Togliatti had supported a less sectarian, giving heed to the criticisms of Giuseppe Di Vittorio, things could have been done differently. " So far Tamburrano. But Napolitano agrees? "If the President had been able to develop his argument in an essay, this would be his position. He preferred the lapidary phrase - "Nenni was right" - that already said it all. "
Nenni not random exit on the eve of a trip to Budapest, he's working on the diplomatic office of the Quirinale. A journey that - for the commitments already made by the president - will anticipate a few weeks the official ceremonies on 23 October. And maybe that will help heal that wound is still open.

Republic 08/30/2006
how heavy that mistake
MIRIAM MAFA

THEREFORE, Nenni was right when in the autumn of 1956 broke the pact of unity of action for nearly three decades that it was tied to the Communists. So Nenni was right when, about the revolt of workers and students at Budapest wrote: "The very best we can do for the Hungarian workers is to help break the patterns of dictatorship in the authentic forms of democracy and freedom ...." So Nenni was right when, a few months later, the Congress of Venice of the PSI, cast to the winds for his party not only the traditional riparian policy, but all references to Marxism-Leninism, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the link with the USSR.
Nenni was right, as recognized today, in his letter to Joseph Tamburri, our President of the Republic of those events experienced as a young leader of the Communist Party. So the PCI was wrong when, during those dramatic weeks of fifty years ago, chose to stay, as a famous title of Unity "on one side of the fence," from the USSR, which had sent its tanks in Budapest to quell the uprising of workers and students who rebelled against the dictatorship and calling for a democratic socialism, with a human face.
The Phantom of the Hungarian revolution of 1956 still questions the conscience of those who were communists and then had the courage or the clarity dissociate themselves from the policy positions of their party. Giorgio Napolitano, who was then thirty years and was secretary of the federation of Caserta, has already pointed out in his book of memories that you have followed from that location in the suburbs "in a rather detached intellectual discussion among the dissenters." Among these intellectuals and leaders who refused to join the party line, condemning the insurgents of support for intervention in Hungary and the USSR was also Antonio Giolitti who "had just delivered the speech of equity and substantial dissent from the rostrum of 'VIII Congress. Among the first controversial action against him had been mine, "says Giorgio Napolitano. "The intervention Soviet - then said the young leader of the Communist Party - as well as to prevent Hungary from falling into chaos and counter-revolution has helped to save the world peace. "
It is certainly the case if the newly elected president, he wanted to visit to Antonio Giolitti, who on that occasion, after this intervention congress had left the Communist Party. It was not the only one. Italo Calvino tells
so those dramatic days: "That evening when the news arrived of the invasion of Hungary I was having dinner with Amendola in Turin, home of Luciano Barca, who ran the Turin edition of Unity. Amendola had come to Turin to meet me and others dell'Einaudi friends to "keep good" because it was clear that the difficulties were coming and we gave signs of impatience. While talking Amendola, Gianni Rocca who was then editor in chief of the Unit, telephoned Barca. Her voice choked with tears. We said the tanks are coming to Budapest, is fought in the streets. I looked at Amendola. Were you all as suffering from a blow. Amendola then murmured, "Togliatti said that there are moments in history where you have to be deployed by either side. After all, communism is like the Church, it takes centuries to change position ...". "
We took centuries for the Communist Party to review its position on Hungary why break what has been called the "iron link" with the USSR. Not centuries, but a couple of decades. For a long time the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 did not even have the right to be defined as such by the Italian communists. Before, during those dramatic weeks, the newspaper of the Communist Party and in the assemblies section of the revolt was qualified "white terror" or "counterrevolution." Then with the passage of time those events were modestly remembered as "the events in Hungary." Ten years later, in 1968, another country that was part of the socialist camp will have its democratic revolution. It will be the Prague Spring uprising in the name of socialism "from his face human race. " Also this time the movement will be cut off Soviet intervention. But on that occasion the PCI express, his first dissent from Moscow. We will then finally took away the most explicit of the USSR Berlinguer and his politics.
Yet the few lines with which now Giorgio Napolitano, recalling the events of 1956, recognizes "the validity of the reviews of Pietro Nenni and most of the PSI at this crucial moment," can, perhaps must, be interpreted as an invitation to re-read with more balance and attention to the story of the PCI and the PSI in the longer term. With the Congress in Venice in 1957 because the PSI, freed from the pact of unity of action with the Communists and the link with the USSR, will start on the road to an agreement with the DC which will arrive a few years later, in 1960. But there will profoundly weakened, both for internal divisions and to the controversy which it is exposed from the left. For its part the Communist Party, still convinced of the superiority of the socialist system over the capitalist, fed the polemics against the "social democratic deviation" of the party Nenni, a controversy that was particularly favorable echo in its base. The two parties of the Italian left accentuated so, after the crisis of 1956, the gap that would lead them to end the mutual common defeat.

Republic
08/30/2006 THE INTERVIEW
Pietro Ingrao: Take this into account before saying that Nenni was right
"Our but there was a tragic error to break to the left"
of s.fio.

The '56 in the drafts. In the autobiography due out in early September I speak of those events a long time: more than a chapter is the story of a defeat
Frost of Togliatti. When I realized the tragedy, I spoke with Togliatti: In front of my uncertainty was very cold. I did not have the strength to fight

"That page policy was the most painful for me: 1956 was a tragic year for us, terrible." On the eve of his autobiography, that the tragedy of Budapest's most troubled chapters, Pietro Ingrao allows himself suffered a rethinking, still very much alive in spite of the past half century. "There is no doubt that Antonio Giolitti Pietro Nenni and also they were right, but the opinion of Giorgio Napolitano appears to me a little 'review. We must also take account of the break to the left, before giving a reason Nenni. "
His is the story of a communist, perhaps of particular species. A Communist who "wanted the moon," the title of the pleadings that the publisher Einaudi will publish in early September. "There I speak for a long time in 1956, and even my mistakes. I hope that my sins emerge clearly from the book. This chapter is very long: more than a chapter is the story of a defeat, mistakes, flaws and incompleteness, told with sincerity. "
The memories date back to October 1956, to those events that marked "the error with the capital E" of a generation of Communists. Ingrao and director of the when, on October 23 in Budapest, an expression of praise to Gomulka becomes an armed uprising against the communist power. Workers and students are the protagonists claim that "a wider democracy within the socialist system." In the night between 23 and 24 "order" is restored by invading troops Soviet. It's up to Ingrao, the unity of October 25, write the editorial that heavily censors the rioters. "When the crackle of weapons counter, you're from either side of the barricades. A third field is not ... Tomorrow we will also discuss and differentiate ... Today, we defending the socialist revolution. " So we read in that anonymous fund, which - as is clear from the minutes of the Executive five days later - a position expressed laboriously filed with the secretariat.
crisis gets worse a week later. In the night between 3 and 4 November, Soviet tanks intervene a second time in Hungary, crushing the popular resistance. Thousands dead, tens of thousands injured. In quarantunenne Ingrao explode those doubts first surfaced only timidly. "Then I realized that it was a tragedy, so I called Togliatti and asked for an appointment. It was a gray afternoon, rainy. In front of my uncertainty, Togliatti was very cold. He told me that one should not hesitate to cut the conversation and used this phrase: "Today I drank a glass of wine anymore." I did not have the strength to fight. "
A wound is still open, the original sin that sheds light on all the "delays, misunderstandings, mistakes we made not only on the specific Hungarian drama, but in general on Leninism and Stalinism." It is certainly not reluctant witness by Ingrao, who already in the book-interview with Antonio Galdo, Comrade unarmed (Sperling), denounced the heavy failures of the party. His self-critical reflection widens the two central figures of communism, Stalin but even before Lenin, without any temptation acquittal for the other. "Yesterday delude ourselves that there was a substantial difference between the two characters. Stalin We considered a traitor of the ideals of Lenin. Not so. " Radical self-criticism, typical of communist nonagenarian who is not afraid to reflect on the mistakes made. "Then we realized, We wanted to understand or not, that this ideology was born under the sign of the rejection of democracy and the systematic use of violence Revolutionary kill, repress and destroy. We do not realize, and we could do that without clear up this vice of origin of the communist movement, we were getting to a dramatic defeat, then promptly as it happened. " Ingrao
For the story of Budapest is a "non-appointment with history." "A decisive date, because it could change the fate of the left not only in Italy." Alas, though, to talk about repentance. "Repentance is not a word that belongs to my language. It tastes of the sacristy. But if you repent means to acknowledge their mistakes, then I'm not afraid of this word. "

Republic 08/30/2006
THE CHARACTER
The break with the Communist Party of Togliatti Congress of '56: "The game opponent who is silent does"
Giolitti, the old apostate "That play is now more distant"
of IN AJELLO

The memory of the intervention of victory: "He invited me to critically review my attitude, but you could see he was troubled by his own dissent now returned"
homage to the great satisfaction of the President of the Republic, in May, immediately after the election to the Quirinale: "It was kind, open, friendly"

Antonio Giolitti was right in 1956, when he criticized - as opposed to the Communist Party of Palmiro Togliatti, who applauded it - the invasion of Hungary by the Soviet Union. In a letter sent to Joseph Tamburri, president of the Foundation Nenni, and briefly reported by the Unit of yesterday, the head of state does not merely recall the event, but is a "self-critical reflection," recalling that the positions taken in that juncture from the top of the PCI were shared by him.
Well, so says the President Napolitano, Giolitti criticizing the positions of the Communist Party in which the military was right, and I, then - half a century ago - sbagliai with my party. E 'recognition' painful ' which extends also to Pietro Nenni and most of the PSI (which is explained in the letter Tamburrano), which in the autumn of 1956, expressed similar criticisms to those expressed Giolitti towards the Communist Party and its secretary Palmiro Togliatti.
Giolitti, which has exceeded 91 years, is in his holiday home in Cavour. The Unit has not read. But certainly not aware of the importance of the news that's mean. It agrees to recall that story on the phone that he was a protagonist. E 'on 8 December 1956, the Communist Party in Rome celebrates its VIII Congress.
Since the invasion of Hungary has been a month and a half, a very difficult season for the party of Togliatti, which circulates between the turmoil in the headquarters cultural dissent expressed by eminent figures such as Eugene and Fabrizio Onofri Royal - not even invited to the conference, remember Giolitti - and the refusal of the rank of writers Italo Calvino (to give just one example). Before
Giolitti took the floor, vibrating reservations about the party's positions were expressed by Furio Diaz, noted historian and former mayor of Livorno.
But the task of providing a unifying perspective on these criticisms will be taken on its own by then quarantunenne Antonio Giolitti. "For us," he later told Gianni Rocca attend the conference as a delegate, "it was as if he alone had taken the post of leader and bystanders to leave a collective witness of dissent." And the same protagonist recalls that since then his little-known figure, the Corriere della Sera had felt the need to introduce him to readers, more or less with these words: "Mr Giolitti is a young man of forty, tall, dark, elegant . It is said that his name was interested in to the communists, who want to be called heirs of the Risorgimento and of liberalism. It is also said that he was a youth beloved by Togliatti. " 'Fosse', said Giolitti.
"Now I was not more. I would not have been more. "
To hear him recall him, that far back in December takes the heat for an injury. Without exaggeration - but according to many witnesses of the era, even at that moment striking the emphasis appeared in oratory Giolitti: everyone is like you, perhaps forever - Giolitti cites himself then. For example, when he began pointing out a contradiction in view of the joint secretariat and its most ardent followers: "One can not argue that the errors and crimes denounced the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU did not damage the permanent substance of the democratic socialist power, and at the same time to define the legitimate, democratic and socialist government such as that which arose against the people of Budapest on October 23. " Or when he denied that, each expressing their own ideas, he favored the class enemy. "Many times, on the contrary," objected, "the opponent's makes those who keep silent. " Or finally surfaced in his speech when a documented complaint: "We have seen combat and eradicate without mercy the views of those friends - and I am among them - who have expressed doubts and disagreements about the definition of counter-revolutionary uprising in Hungary to date '.
Another scene that remains etched in memory is played by Giuseppe Di Vittorio, who calls Giolitti "to critically review their attitude." But the one who spoke the eighth congress, he now adds, "was a Di Vittorio troubled by his own dissent then almost came back. A man and a warrior now too tired to have courage. " You may be allergic to the protagonist what you will - I point to Giolitti - but tell that to the PCI Togliatti "This is not to continue and improve, but to change and correct, and to change the men who can not be corrected," is something that PCI had never heard. Giolitti, on the other end of the phone, agrees.
The ancient apostate like it deserves Napolitano's move.
speaks with pleasure of the president's visit that he made last May, fresh from the election to the Quirinale, "Gentile, open, friendly." Evokes times, then not so remote, in which - after being for decades a tread on the "path of reform", risen to be synonymous with the Planning and having lived as a protagonist The troubled story of the center - he saw in the management of the PSI craxiana intolerance nearly as severe as that experienced in his time in the party of Togliatti. For a long time yet, remember, will "put your feet well with a few sdrucciolone, the ways of politics." His was, after all, - even when in June 1987 he was elected senator in the lists of the Communist Party - an attempt (his own words) to "pass the illusion of utopia to the hopes of reform," without losing "the report always problematic between effectiveness of political passion and consistency with ethical values. Then, as the age advanced, he felt increasingly "a homeless man the left. "
While I speak, Giolitti gives me a sense of regaining an identity, if anything, had really lost. His utopia of "fear reformist" (likes to call it) becomes a lesson that should be honored in high places. There's a man, born in 1915, which has long worked in politics. With courage. Here, for the present he has a gift still in Serbia.

Republic 08/30/2006
Luciana: "For my father and all of us were full days of anguish" Luciana

Nenni, the daughter of Peter, is 84 years old, frail voice, the memory intact. A "Republic" gives a quick cameo. Resurface, sudden, evoked by political chronicle and the words of President Napolitano, the events that have marked the life and memory of his family: "For us it was a real tragedy," he says. Here is his testimony: "I remember very well those frantic days and incredibly full of anguish. The news kept coming. The tanks in Budapest? For us it was inconceivable. I can sum up everything in a frantic phone call that my sister gave to Daddy Vany. He spoke in French, said, "'the world in which we believed that sinks ... '. My father stopped in his diary his thoughts: "How Vany is right! It 's the only one of my daughters who had enrolled in Paris at the French Communist Party. Now she feels betrayed. We all are betrayed. E 'betrayed proletarian internationalism. " One thing is certain, Nenni family we have always thought: the tragedy of Hungary has had the merit of the Italian left to show the true face of the Soviet Union and pave the way for modern socialism and the human face.